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Fed Foresaw a Furor Over Lehman’s Demise


Six weeks after Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy in September 2008, Ben S. Bernanke, then chairman of the Federal Reserve, gave his central bank colleagues an imitation of the people who were already criticizing the government’s decision to let the Wall Street bank collapse.

“What in the heck were you guys doing letting Lehman fail?” he said, according to minutes of a closed Fed meeting in late October 2008 that were released on Friday.

Mr. Bernanke did not debate whether it was right to let Lehman die at the Fed meeting held on Sept. 16, the day after the investment bank filed for bankruptcy, according to the newly released minutes. But from the comments in the October meeting, he appeared to have been aware that the government’s decision to let Lehman fail was coming under intense scrutiny from prominent financial figures around the world who said it was a huge and unnecessary mistake that caused global financial markets to freeze up.

The Lehman decision is still fiercely debated today as politicians and regulators grapple with how to handle large banks in unstable times. In addition, the reputations of Mr. Bernanke and Henry M. Paulson Jr., Treasury secretary at the time, rest heavily on the Lehman episode.

The transcripts of the 2008 Fed meetings that were published on Friday provide one of the fullest pictures yet of the thinking of top government officials on Lehman’s implosion. The documents will most likely prompt a fresh examination of the decisions made in that crisis year.

“For the equilibrium of the world financial system, this was a genuine error,” Christine Lagarde, France’s finance minister at the time, said in the days after Lehman’s demise.

In response to their critics, both Mr. Bernanke and Mr. Paulson have since said that they could not save Lehman because their hands were legally tied. Mr. Bernanke made that argument at the Oct. 29 meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee meeting. “The Fed and the Treasury simply had no tools to address both Lehman and the other companies that were under stress at that time,” he said.

But six months earlier, in March 2008, the Fed found the tools to bail out Bear Stearns, another Wall Street firm toppling under the weight of soured mortgages, and the Fed took all sorts of extraordinary steps to rescue the American International Group the day after Lehman filed for bankruptcy.

Some of those present during the 2008 decisions assert that Mr. Bernanke and Mr. Paulson either did not act because they expected Wall Street firms to rescue Lehman or because they feared that bailing it out would create an appetite for even more taxpayer largess.

Today, critics of the Treasury and the Fed say that the our-hands-were-tied argument may be an excuse, used after the fact, as a shield from criticism that they were negligent and miscalculated badly.

“It was a post-incident rationalization,” Harvey R. Miller, a partner at Weil, Gotshal & Manges, said in an interview on Friday.

Mr. Miller represented Lehman in its last-minute efforts to find a solution over the weekend of Sept. 13 and 14 that ended up with the bankruptcy filing the next day. “It was never mentioned during that fateful weekend.”

The meetings whose minutes were released on Friday were not the only forums for senior Fed officials to discuss how to deal with problems in the financial sector. Officials like Mr. Bernanke and Timothy F. Geithner, who was president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York at the time, would have helped make momentous decisions at other types of meetings, whose proceedings remain under wraps.

Still, in the months before Lehman’s collapse, Fed officials in the Open Market Committee meetings did not voice concerns that Lehman was close to failing or posed a great danger to the wider system. Even though Lehman’s problems dominated the headlines during the summer of 2008, transcripts of the Fed meetings in July and August do not include mentions of Lehman at all. And in the June meeting, Fed officials said that Lehman was benefiting from being able to borrow from the central bank’s emergency credit lines.

The Fed and the Treasury tried in the days before Lehman’s collapse to get a consortium of Wall Street banks to participate in a bailout of the firm. That fizzled. At the same time, there were efforts to arrange for the British bank Barclays to buy Lehman. But the British government balked at approving the deal. Reports of the negotiations suggest that the British government would have allowed the purchase if the Treasury Department had agreed to cover losses at Lehman, but that apparently did not happen.

The newly released minutes hint at the Treasury’s actions in the Lehman saga.

At the Sept. 16, 2008, meeting, one senior Fed official, Eric S. Rosengren, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, speculated on whether it was wise to have let Lehman go. “Given that the Treasury didn’t want to put money in, what happened was that we had no choice,” he said.

Mr. Miller said that he now believed that events had made Mr. Paulson extremely reluctant to rescue Lehman.

“Post the Bear Stearns bailout, he was subjected to such criticism, both from various congressional personnel, from conservative groups, that he was actually scarred,” Mr. Miller said.

Mr. Paulson did not comment on Friday, but he has recently defended his Lehman actions. Last year, in a new prologue to his book on the financial crisis, “On the Brink,” Mr. Paulson wrote, “I continue to believe we did the only thing we could have done, legally, in that episode. We did not have the authority to save Lehman or to seize it and unwind it in an orderly fashion.”

Mr. Bernanke also did not comment on Friday.

While Lehman was not bailed out, A.I.G. was.

But according to Mr. Bernanke and others afterward, there was a crucial difference between A.I.G. and Lehman that allowed only the insurer to qualify for enormous Fed loans. Fed officials have said A.I.G. had sufficient assets to back loans from the central bank, whereas Lehman did not.

When the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, a government-appointed committee set up to examine the crisis, asked Mr. Bernanke in 2009 to explain the differences between A.I.G. and Lehman, he painted a particularly dire picture of Lehman’s financial standing.

“In the case of Lehman Brothers, there was just a huge hole. I mean, they were insolvent and they had a 30- to 40-billion-dollar hole in their capital structure,” he said.

But it is not clear what evidence Mr. Bernanke had for suspecting such a large hole. The crisis commission asked the Fed to supply the calculations and materials it used to support the view that Lehman lacked the collateral to back a loan. But the commission’s final report said the Fed did not meet that request.

“Although Fed officials discussed and dismissed many ideas in the chaotic days leading up to the bankruptcy, the Fed did not furnish to the F.C.I.C. any written analysis to illustrate that Lehman lacked sufficient collateral to secure a loan,” the report noted.

Back in October 2008, as criticism of the Fed’s handling of troubled banks was heating up, Mr. Geithner warned his fellow central bankers to watch their words. “But please be very careful, certainly outside this room, about adding to the perception that the actions by this body were a substantial contributor to the erosion in confidence,” he said in the minutes.



David Rubenstein’s ‘Patriotic’ Approach to Philanthropy

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The Final Battle for a REIT May Be Drawing Near

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Credit Suisse Admits Wrongdoing in S.E.C. Case

WASHINGTON â€" Credit Suisse on Friday became the latest big bank to admit wrongdoing to the Securities and Exchange Commission, striking a deal over its failure to comply with a cardinal rule of the financial industry.

The bank, based in Zurich, was accused of advising clients in the United States without first registering at the S.E.C. Credit Suisse paid $196 million to settle with the federal agency, which requires banks and other firms that offer investment advice to comply with basic registrations rules.

“The broker-dealer and investment adviser registration provisions are core protections for investors,” Andrew J. Ceresney, director of the S.E.C.’s enforcement division, said in a statement. “As Credit Suisse admitted as part of the settlement, its employees for many years failed to comply with these requirements, and the firm took far too long to achieve compliance.”

While the $196 million penalty is significant, the admission of wrongdoing underscored the importance of the case. It is the fifth such admission since the S.E.C. â€" in a major reversal â€" modified its longstanding policy of allowing defendants to settle without “admitting or denying” wrongdoing.

Under the new policy, adopted last year under its new chairwoman Mary Jo White, the S.E.C. decided to extract admissions of guilt in cases of egregious misconduct and blatant violations.

Speaking at an S.E.C conference in Washington on Friday, Ms. White highlighted certain instances where the agency would invoke the new policy, including those “where an admission can send a particularly important message to the markets.”

“Admissions are important because they achieve a greater measure of public accountability, which, in turn, can bolster the public’s confidence in the strength and credibility of law enforcement, and the safety of our markets,” she said at the conference, hosted by the Practising Law Institute.

In its maiden “admissions” case, the S.E.C. overturned its own preliminary settlement with the hedge fund billionaire Philip A. Falcone to extract an acknowledgement of wrongdoing. In August, Mr. Falcone and his hedge fund Harbinger Capital Partners agreed to admit wrongdoing and pay more than $18 million for supposedly manipulating markets and improperly putting certain investor redemption requests ahead of others.

The S.E.C. negotiated another landmark settlement with JPMorgan last year, forcing the nation’s biggest bank to admit wrongdoing in a case stemming from its $6 billion trading loss in London. The bank also paid a $200 million penalty.

The cases garnered praise from some of the S.E.C.’s biggest critics, who had long complained that the agency was too timid when pursuing Wall Street wrongdoing.

But the change may also come with some collateral consequences.

With admissions now on the negotiating table, more and more defendants might fight the S.E.C. rather than settle, given the high stakes involved. That possibility raised concerns that the agency lacks the resources to handle a sudden flood of courtroom battles.

But the S.E.C. says it recognizes the trade-off. And at the conference on Friday, Ms. White signaled that the agency is not backing down.

“My expectation is that there will be more such cases in 2014 as the new protocol continues to evolve and be applied,” Ms. White said.

The Credit Suisse case seemed to fit squarely into the S.E.C’s plans. The bank’s misconduct, it seemed, was both blatant and longstanding.

Credit Suisse employees provided cross-border investment advice to thousands of American clients for nearly 14 years without registering with the regulator, the S.E.C. said in an order instituting settled administrative proceedings. The bank communicated with American clients over the phone and through email and even managed to induce certain transactions, the S.E.C. said, all while collecting fees totaling around $82 million.

In some instances, the investors were some of the same American clients who had Swiss bank accounts at Credit Suisse. Criminal authorities in the United States continue to investigate potential tax violations in that case.

In a statement, Credit Suisse said: “We are pleased to have resolved this issue with the S.E.C. The Department of Justice investigation into tax-related issues remains outstanding, and while we continue to work to resolve this matter, the timing and outcome remain uncertain.”

The S.E.C. noted in its statement that the bank took steps to prevent violations of registration requirements, but said these measures failed because they were not carried out or monitored properly.

“As a multinational firm with a significant U.S. presence, Credit Suisse was well aware of the steps that a firm needs to take to legally conduct advisory or brokerage business with U.S. clients,” Scott W. Friestad, the senior enforcement official who oversaw the case, said in the statement. “Credit Suisse failed to effectively implement internal controls designed to keep its employees from crossing the line and being non-compliant with the federal securities laws.”



A Surprise Guest at the S.E.C.’s Annual Gathering

WASHINGTON â€" In a room overflowing with suited lawyers scribbling handwritten notes, the man live tweeting in a hooded sweatshirt stood out.

Mark Cuban, the billionaire entrepreneur with a sartorial style best described as weekend wear, made a surprise appearance on Friday at the Securities and Exchange Commission’s annual conference in Washington. Wearing jeans and a gray hoodie, Mr. Cuban was easy to spot toward the back of the room, a seated observer chronicling the event on Twitter.

While the conference is typically a love fest for the agency â€" an opportunity to reflect on the past year’s triumphs â€" Mr. Cuban’s presence was a reminder of a setback. In October, the S.E.C. lost an insider trading case against Mr. Cuban, who used his victory as a platform to attack the agency’s broader approach to policing the markets.

But Mr. Cuban, who has announced plans to publish S.E.C. trial transcripts on his blog to highlight what he sees as the agency’s problems, was on his best behavior when talking to a swarm of journalists on Friday.

“There’s no hate for the S.E.C.,” Mr. Cuban, the owner of the Dallas Mavericks basketball team, told reporters during a brief break from the conference, known as S.E.C. Speaks. “No animosity.”

Instead, Mr. Cuban said he was there “to learn” about the S.E.C. and its mission.

The conference, run by the Practising Law Institute, featured speeches from top officials, including Mary Jo White, the agency’s chairwoman.

“It’s been a great conference,” he declared, carrying a package of legalistic literature circulated at the event.

You might think Mr. Cuban would be persona non grata at an S.E.C. junket. Yet a small crowd lined up to snap pictures with the billionaire, who sheepishly obliged the fans’ requests.

Was this an olive branch to a longtime nemesis? Well, let’s not get carried away. But coming from a man who fancies himself a watchdog of wrongdoing â€" whether it is an unjust S.E.C. case or a basketball referee’s blown call â€" the remarks were measured.

And at the very least, he took a softer stance from his prior statement that he hoped his insider trading acquittal would “shine a light on the S.E.C. abuses that I have witnessed.”

Even so, Mr. Cuban managed to lob a few jabs at the agency. “At no point do they say, ‘We made mistakes,’ ” he said.

He also vented his frustrations on Twitter, posting a series of real-time musings.

“There is a shocking lack of self awareness at the SEC,” one message read. “Nothing is their fault.”

When it came to a speech from Luis A. Aguilar, a Democratic commissioner at the agency, Mr. Cuban found plenty to like.

“Commissioner Aguilar â€" no institutional memory at the SEC … amen,” he wrote.

And when Mr. Aguilar critiqued the “significant turnover” at the agency, Mr. Cuban chimed in once again.

“Love the fact that Commissioner Aguilar is CRUSHING the S.E.C. on its turnover. # I’m liking this guy a lot.”



Corbat Receives a 23% Pay Raise at Citigroup

Michael Corbat, the chief executive of Citigroup, received a 23 percent increase in compensation for 2013, according to a regulatory filing on Thursday.

Mr. Corbat received deferred stock worth about $3.78 million, according to the filing. Under a compensation plan previously disclosed by the company, the stock award accounts for 30 percent of Mr. Corbat’s bonus. Added to $1.5 million in salary, his total compensation would be about $14.1 million, compared with $11.5 million in 2012.

Last month, Citigroup reported earnings that for a second consecutive quarter failed to meet Wall Street’s expectations because of weak trading revenue and the high legal costs of dealing with the bank’s lingering mortgage problems. Some analysts were also disappointed with the bank’s efforts to cut expenses.

The disappointing numbers came a little more than a year after Mr. Corbat succeeded Vikram Pandit at the top Citigroup, promising to increase the once deeply troubled bank’s profitability and efficiency.

While the large banks are still reporting the compensation for their top executives, Mr. Corbat’s pay appears to be in line with that of Brian Moynihan at Bank of America, who received an estimated $14 million in compensation for 2013 based on a stock award disclosed earlier this week.

Jamie Dimon, the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, received a 74 percent raise in pay for 2013, to $20 million.

Lloyd C. Blankfein, the chief executive of Goldman Sachs, received restricted shares worth $14.7 million as part of his pay package for 2013. Goldman has not yet disclosed the cash portion of Mr. Blankfein’s bonus, but he and other senior executives are typically awarded a 70-30 split between stock and cash. If that holds true, Mr. Blankfein’s total compensation for 2013 will probably be about $23 million.

Morgan Stanley‘s chief executive, James P. Gorman, received a bonus of $4.9 million, an 86 percent rise, and the bank said his salary would double to $1.5 million. The firm has not disclosed Mr. Gorman’s full pay package for 2013, but it is likely to be substantially higher than the $9.75 million he received last year.



Comcast’s Lobbying Machine

WASHINGTON â€" Only a few hours had passed after the $45 billion merger between and was announced last week when an early voice emerged endorsing the giant deal.

“Win-win situation for American businesses,” said the statement from the United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce.

It was the start of what Comcast executives acknowledge will be a carefully orchestrated campaign, as the company will seek hundreds of such expressions of support for the deal â€" from members of Congress, state fficials and leaders of nonprofit and minority-led groups â€" as it tries to nudge federal authorities to approve the merger.

But what the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce did not mention in its statement praising the transaction was that it had collected at least $320,000 over the last five years from Comcast’s charitable foundation, which is run in part by David L. Cohen, the Comcast executive who oversees the corporation’s government affairs operations.

It is a hint, critics say, of just how sophisticated Comcast’s lobbying machine is, an enterprise that, like the company itself, reaches across the United States and has more than 100 registered lobbyists in Washington ! alone.

David L. Cohen, a Comcast executive, oversees the company’s government affairs operations and also helps run the Comcast Foundation, a charitable organization. Larry Busacca/Getty Images

That team, as of the end of last year, featured five former members of Congress. But it also included Meredith Attwell Baker, who left the Federal Communications Commission in 2011 to help lead Comcast’s internal lobbying office in Washington â€" just five months after she voted to approve a big deal for Comcast, its takeover of NBCUniversal.

“This is the ea we live in â€" of big money,” said Michael J. Copps, another former F.C.C. member, who left in 2011. He says the Comcast and Time Warner Cable deal will result in too great a concentration of control over the nation’s cable and broadband Internet networks. “They leave no stone unturned when they get into one of these efforts,” he said.

Mr. Cohen said such criticism was unwarranted, as Time Warner Cable and Comcast do not serve any of the same markets nationwide.

But he and other company executives conceded that Comcast had been working since the deal was announced to organize a comprehensive push for approval â€" an effort that includes not only former congressional aides who will lobby the Democrats or Republicans they once worked with, but even distinct teams to foc! us on specific ethnic groups.

And Mr. Cohen adamantly rejected any suggestion that the corporation’s history of supporting nonprofit groups and charities, particularly groups that serve African-Americans, Latinos and Asians, was motivated by a desire to build political allies.

“People would like to take this 20-plus-year-old incredible commitment to communities and these organizations and would like to make it a bad thing â€" that we are buying off support for the transaction,” Mr. Cohen said in an interview, referring to the Comcast Foundation’s $140 million in grants since its inception and more than $3.2 billion since 2001 when all kinds of corporate support (cash and in-kind support like free public service announcements) are included. “That is simply not true. And I beleve it is offensive to the organizations we support.”

During Comcast's last major deal, in which it took over NBCUniversal, at least 54 different groups that expressed support for the deal â€" by sending letters to the Federal Communications Commission or signing agreements â€" had received contributions from Comcast's charitable foundation, according to analysis by Center for Public Integrity and The New York Times.

Group Amount received from the Comcast Foundation,2004-2012 Document link
National Council of La Raza $2,205,000
National Urban League $835,000
Congressional Black Caucus Foundation* $350,000
Hispanic Federation (N.Y.) $345,000
U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce $320,000
Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute $300,000
League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) $260,000
National Hispanic Caucus of State Legislators $250,000
Women in Cable Telecommunications $245,000
National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials $220,000
Elijah Cummings Youth Program in Israel $180,000
Urban League of Greater Hartford (Conn.) $176,000
Inclusion Center for Community and Justice (Utah) $168,000
National Puerto Rican Coalition $155,000
Congressional Hispanic Leadership Institute $155,000
Knoxville Area Urban League $146,170
Asian Pacific Islander American Public Affairs Association (Calif.) $125,000
Hispanas Organized for Political Equality (Calif.) $125,000
ASPIRA Association $125,000
Urban League of Detroit and Southeastern Michigan $117,330
Latin American Economic Development Association (N.J.) $116,469
Urban League of Greater Pittsburgh $111,081
Latino Community Foundation $100,000
National Conference of Black Mayors $95,000
Urban League of Portland (Ore.) $95,000
Memphis Urban League $95,000
Urban League of Greater Atlanta $91,000
Cuban American National Council $90,000
Amigos Together for Kids (Fla.) $76,000
Tejano Center for Community Concerns (Tex.) $67,000
Urban League of Springfield (Ill.) $66,000
Tacoma Urban League $63,000
Latin American Association (Ga.) $56,950
Centro de la Familia de Utah $55,100
Northern Virginia Urban League $55,000
Arab Community Center for Economic and Social Services $52,280
Urban League of Middle Tennessee $50,500
National Black Caucus of State Legislators $50,000
Latin American Youth Center (D.C.) $48,000
Urban League of Hudson County (N.J.) $46,730
Urban League of Union County (N.J.) $45,600
Boston Chinatown Neighborhood Center $42,300
Greater Washington Urban League (D.C.) $40,000
N.A.A.C.P. $30,000
American Conference on Diversity (N.J.) $25,000
August Wilson Center for African American Culture (Penn.) $20,000
National Association of Black County Officials $20,000
National Organization of Black Elected Legislative Women $20,000
Spanish Community Center of Joliet (Ill.) $15,000
Chinese Mutual Aid Association (Ill.) $15,000
Centro Hispano Spanish American Civic (Penn.) $10,000
National League of Cities $10,000
Latino Memphis $7,569
Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, Pittsburgh $2,109
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Comcast is recognized nationally for its commitment to promoting diversity â€" both on the air and in the employment ranks at the television channels and cable systems it owns, efforts expanded after the NBC deal as a condition to its approval.

Recent additional actions include the start-up of several minority-owned channels on its cable networks, like Aspire, begun by the former National Basketball Association star Magic Johnson, and BabyFirstAmericas, a Hispanic-focused English-language channel. Comcast, as part of the NBC merger deal, aso offers inexpensive broadband Internet access to poor families nationwide, a program that has more than 260,000 subscribers.

Leaders of several minority groups said Comcast did not simply donate money to their groups. It also funds programs to try to improve economic opportunities for minorities, they said.

“You want us to support this?” said Alex Nogales, chief executive of the National Hispanic Media Coalition, in an interview, recalling a meeting at Comcast headquarters in March 2010 with Mr. Cohen and other top company officials, as they sought support from his group and other Hispanic groups for the NBC merger, ! support it received after expanding its commitments. “Then tell me what is there in this deal for Latino communities and other communities of color.”

The merger with NBC offers a case study of how central a role this network of nonprofit groups can play when the company is seeking regulatory actions by the government, particularly the F.C.C., which weighs a commitment to local communities and diversity when making its decision.

The F.C.C. case file on the merger with NBC includes at least 54 groups that Comcast has donated money to â€" including small entities like the Centro de la Familia de Utah and the Elijah Cummings Youth Program in Israel â€" that wrote letters to the agency in 2010 urging it to approve the transaction, or signed an agreement with Comcast endorsing it, according to a review of the file by The Center for Public Integrity and The New York Times. Comcast highlighted most of the letters on its own website.

Comcast’s team includes six former government officials. From left, former Representative Chip Pickering, former Senator Don Nickles, former Representative Robert Walker, former Senator Blanche Lincoln, former Representative Ron Klink, David Cohen of Comcast and former F.C.C. member Meredith Attwell Baker. From left, Rogelio V. Solis/Associated Press; Steve Sisney/The Daily Oklahoman, via Associated Press; Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images; William B. Plowman/AP Images For NFIB; Paul Vathis/Associated Press; Larry Busacca/Getty Images For Women In Cable and Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

These groups received at least $8.6 million from the Comcast Foundation over nearly a decade through 2012, not including other donations from the corporation directly, the analysis found.

The correlation between giving and support for its deals extends to Congress: 91 of the 97 members of Congress who signed a letter in 2011 supporting the Comcast NBC merger received contributions during that same election cycle from the company’s political action committee or executives.

Mr. Cohen, in the interview, said it was not surprising that these groups were willing to speak up in favor of Comcast, as they in many cases have a longstanding relationship with the company and its employees.

But even one of Comcast’s own lobbyists said in an interview that the relationship with some groups had a transactional flavor.

“If you have a company like Comcast that has been with them for a long time and continues to support them, they will go to bat for them,” the contract lobbyist for Comcast said, asking that he not be named because he was not authorized to discuss the matter publicly, “even if it means they have become pawns.”

Javier Palomarez, president of the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, said the financial support his organization has received from Comcast is a tiny share of its overall budget. Support for the latest Comcast deal, he said, is based on his confidence in the company’s commitment to divrse communities, and the benefits of the transaction.

So far, some members of Congress and other minority organizations that supported the NBC merger, including the National Hispanic Leadership Agenda, have again praised Comcast’s track record but withheld formally endorsing this new deal, saying they needed to study it more.

Craig Aaron, president of Free Press, a nonprofit group that is challenging the merger, said he was just waiting for the flood of letters of support to start, once Comcast files with the F.C.C. for the regulatory approval.

“They are the be! st in the! business when it comes to pushing on all the levers in Washington to get done what they want,” he said. “I have to give them that.”