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Gains for Einhorn and Loeb Could Bode Well for Hedge Funds

Forget about Black Friday. November is looking as if it could be the month that puts many hedge funds solidly in the black for the year, at least based on performance numbers for two notable portfolios.

David Einhorn’s Greenlight Capital reported a 4.7 percent gain in the month of November, putting the firm’s flagship fund up about 19.1 percent for the year, according to an investor with knowledge of the matter. Mr. Einhorn’s firm, which has about $10 billion in assets under management, started the year slow, but has been posting strong gains in the second half of this year.

Another firm that reported early, Daniel Loeb’s Third Point, which has $14 billion in assets under management, also had a strong November. Its flagship fund, Third Point Partners, was up 2.7 percent for the month and is now up 23.2 percent for the year. The more leveraged Third Point Ultra fund is now up 33.4 percent for the year, after rising 3.6 percent in November.

Neither fund manager provided investors with any commentary to explain the reason for the strong November performance. That commentary is likely to come from the fund managers in the coming days.

Mr. Loeb, one of the hedge fund industry’s better-known activist investors, has made headlines in recent weeks by calling for change at the auction house Sotheby’s, where he is pressing for management changes. His Third Point has reported having a share stake of more than 9 percent in Sotheby’s. And just last week, Third Point disclosed taking a stake in Japan’s SoftBank that is valued at about $1 billion. Apple, one of Greenlight’s largest holdings, has risen sharply this month.

Before November, many hedge funds lagged the Standard & Poor’s 500 by a wide margin, with the average fund up about 7 percent since the start of the year. In November, the S. & P. 500 rose 2.8 percent. For the year, the index is up 26.62 percent.

Critics have pointed to the hedge funds’ lackluster performance in arguing that many managers are not doing well enough to justify the industry’s high fee structure. But industry analysts note the average performance figure includes funds that do not mainly trade stocks and that managers are supposed to balance out a fund’s performance by going both long and short on stocks.



Gains for Einhorn and Loeb Could Bode Well for Hedge Funds

Forget about Black Friday. November is looking as if it could be the month that puts many hedge funds solidly in the black for the year, at least based on performance numbers for two notable portfolios.

David Einhorn’s Greenlight Capital reported a 4.7 percent gain in the month of November, putting the firm’s flagship fund up about 19.1 percent for the year, according to an investor with knowledge of the matter. Mr. Einhorn’s firm, which has about $10 billion in assets under management, started the year slow, but has been posting strong gains in the second half of this year.

Another firm that reported early, Daniel Loeb’s Third Point, which has $14 billion in assets under management, also had a strong November. Its flagship fund, Third Point Partners, was up 2.7 percent for the month and is now up 23.2 percent for the year. The more leveraged Third Point Ultra fund is now up 33.4 percent for the year, after rising 3.6 percent in November.

Neither fund manager provided investors with any commentary to explain the reason for the strong November performance. That commentary is likely to come from the fund managers in the coming days.

Mr. Loeb, one of the hedge fund industry’s better-known activist investors, has made headlines in recent weeks by calling for change at the auction house Sotheby’s, where he is pressing for management changes. His Third Point has reported having a share stake of more than 9 percent in Sotheby’s. And just last week, Third Point disclosed taking a stake in Japan’s SoftBank that is valued at about $1 billion. Apple, one of Greenlight’s largest holdings, has risen sharply this month.

Before November, many hedge funds lagged the Standard & Poor’s 500 by a wide margin, with the average fund up about 7 percent since the start of the year. In November, the S. & P. 500 rose 2.8 percent. For the year, the index is up 26.62 percent.

Critics have pointed to the hedge funds’ lackluster performance in arguing that many managers are not doing well enough to justify the industry’s high fee structure. But industry analysts note the average performance figure includes funds that do not mainly trade stocks and that managers are supposed to balance out a fund’s performance by going both long and short on stocks.



Mortgages Without Risk, at Least for the Banks

Mortgages Without Risk, at Least for the Banks

There was no single cause of the financial crisis, but a chief one was surely the way mortgage loans were made by people who believed they had no reason to care if the loan was repaid.

That was why the Dodd-Frank financial overhaul law included risk retention â€" called “skin in the game” â€" as a major reform. For all but the safest loans, someone connected to the loan had to keep a stake in it. If such a loan went bad, then that lender would suffer along with those who bought securities containing it.

“To me,” said Barney Frank, the former chairman of the House Financial Services Committee and co-author of the law, “the single most important part of the bill was risk retention.”

But it now appears that section will be rendered moot as multiple regulators give in to pressure brought by an odd coalition to classify virtually every mortgage as exempt from the risk retention law.

That coalition includes large parts of the banking industry, which seems to have no desire to stand behind its loans, as well as consumer advocates and the housing industry. The latter groups say they are worried that poorer people will be unable to obtain loans if all loans cannot be securitized.

On the other side, asking regulators not to gut the law is an equally unusual, if smaller, coalition. It includes Mr. Frank; Sheila C. Bair, the former chairwoman of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation; and the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative research group that has rarely, if ever, found itself in agreement with Mr. Frank on a regulatory issue.

The Dodd-Frank law told regulators to effectively set up three categories of mortgages. At the top were “qualified residential mortgages,” called Q.R.M. Those were to be the only mortgages that did not require skin in the game if they were pooled and sliced up into securities.

Under that were “qualified mortgages,” called Q.M. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau was to establish standards for those, which it has done. Those rules, to take effect Jan. 10, were supposed to protect consumers, not the financial system. The bottom category was to include mortgages that met neither of those standards. They would require risk retention, as did the Q.M. mortgages.

The rules on qualified mortgages are meant to assure that consumers can afford them, and the requirements are rather low. Lenders must go to the trouble of verifying a borrower’s income, and the total monthly debt obligation must be no more than 43 percent of pretax income. There are no requirements for down payments, or limits on how much is lent relative to the value of the property.

Before the lending excesses that led to the crash, Ms. Bair said in an interview this week, banks generally refused to make loans on which repayments would be more than 35 percent of income, and often had lower limits. “There is,” she said, “a lot of room under Q.M. to make mortgages that should not be made.”

That brings us to Q.R.M. â€" the qualified residential mortgage. The six regulators that are supposed to agree on rules for that put out a proposal in 2011 that gave in to the banks on many issues, but not all. The banks reacted with anger, and the latest proposal is a virtual complete surrender. It essentially says that any mortgage that meets qualified mortgage standards will meet the higher ones as well.

“The result,” Mr. Frank wrote in a comment letter, “would be two categories, those that fall below standards and probably shouldn’t be made, and those that could be made and would not be subject to risk retention.”

“I am not surprised,” Mr. Frank added, that “the overwhelming majority of commenters who are interested in building, selling or promoting the sale of housing to lower-income people support effectively abolishing risk retention. I should note that if all of these people were correct in their collective judgment, we would not have had the crisis that we had.”

Floyd Norris comments on finance and the economy at nytimes.com/economix.

A version of this article appears in print on November 29, 2013, on page B1 of the New York edition with the headline: Mortgages Without Risk, At Least For the Banks.

Pearson to Sell Financial News Group for $623 Million

LONDON â€" Funds affiliated with the private-equity firm BC Partners have reached an agreement to acquire Mergermarket Group from the British publisher Pearson for 382 million pounds, or about $622.7 million.

Pearson, the publisher of The Financial Times, put Mergermarket up for sale earlier this year.

Mergermarket, founded in 1999, is a publisher of financial news and business intelligence under a variety of brands, including Debtwire, DealReporter and Wealthmonitor.

BC Partners said it plans to continue Mergermarket’s international growth strategy. BC Partners advises funds with 12 billion euros, or about $16.3 billion, in assets under management.

“Mergermarket is a high quality company and a market leader with an attractive business model, strong growth, and loyal customers,” said Nikos Stathopoulos, managing partner at BC Partners.

The private-equity firm has made several recent investments in the media sector, including Bureau van Dijk, a provider of private company information, and Springer Science+Business Media, a leading publisher of business, academic, and scientific journals.

John Fallon, Pearson’s chief executive, said Mergermarket didn’t fit Pearson’s going-forward strategy centered on education products.

“The transaction provides us with additional financial capacity to accelerate our push into digital learning, educational services and emerging markets.”

Pearson has said The Financial Times is not for sale despite speculation it might be sold as part of the company’s education-focused strategy.



Australia Blocks A.D.M. Bid for GrainCorp

Activist investors like Carl C. Icahn, Daniel S. Loeb and William A. Ackman are getting deep-pocketed imitators.

Some of the biggest public pension funds, which have sought to influence companies for years, are now starting to emulate these investors by engaging with, and sometimes seeking to oust, directors of companies whose stock they own.

Anne Simpson, director of corporate governance at the California Public Employees’ Pension Fund, the largest United States pension plan with $279 billion in assets, says “board coups” this year that led to the departure of directors at Hewlett-Packard, JPMorgan Chase and Occidental Petroleum show “how shareholder activism is evolving from barbarians at the gate to acting like owners.”

Calpers is one of several big United States public funds that have played roles in shareholder uprisings in recent years at companies that included Chesapeake Energy, Nabors Industries and Massey Energy. While some of the revolts were led by labor groups or acivist investors, Calpers has often cast its votes alongside them.

Ira M. Millstein, a lawyer who specializes in corporate governance at Weil Gotshal & Manges, says it is significant that “the biggest pension fund in the U.S. is taking an activist role, going to companies that aren’t doing well and saying, ‘You really ought to change.’ ”

The second-largest public fund, the $176 billion California State Teachers Retirement System, went so far as to co-sponsor a proposal with the activist fund Relational Investors to break up the Timken Company, the maker of steel and bearings, criticizing the outsize representation of the founding Timken family, which held three of 11 board seats while holding just 10 percent of the stock. Four months after the proposal won a 53 percent vote, Timken acquiesced to a breakup in September.

Anne Sheehan, director of corporate governance at Calstrs, says pension fund “activism and engagement has stepped up quite a bit more as a result of the financial crisis when we all lost a lot of value. As universal owners, how can we not assert our rights and develop a relationship with companies in our portfolio?”

The big public funds have successfully campaigned in the last decade for the right of shareholders to elect each director individually by majority vote on an annual basis, more recently using the procedure to seek the ouster of directors who receive a heavy no vote. While the companies often are not legally bound to replace directors who do not win a majority, some directors have resigned voluntarily.

One of the last big holdouts against majority voting was Apple, where Calpers waged a three-year battle with steadily increasing shareholder votes, which culminated in Apple’s agreement in 2012 to allow electing directors by majority vote.

The adoption of majority voting “has made directors far more willing to engage,” said Ann Yerger, executive director of the Council of Institutional Investors. Nell Minow, the co-founder of the governance advisory firm GMI Ratings, says there has been “a shift in tactics” among big activist investors “from shareholder proposals to engagement and director replacement.”

This year may have marked a “pivot point where the central focus of shareholder activism shifted” to “direct challenges to board members,” according to a report in August by Institutional Shareholders Services, which advises investors on proxy voting and other governance issues.

At JPMorgan, for example, Calpers and other investors backed a call by Change-to-Win, a labor group, for the ouster of three directors on the board’s risk committee whose qualifications were questioned after the bank suffered a $6.2 billion loss on what became known as the London whale trades.

After receiving votes of just 53 and 59 percent at the bank’s annual meeting in May, Ellen V. Futter, president of the American Museum of Natural History, and David M. Cote, the chairman and chief executive of Honeywell International, stepped down in July. The bank also designated Lee R. Raymond, the former chief executive of Exxon Mobil, to be the lead outside director after defeating an investor campaign to separate the jobs of chief executive and chairman, boh held by Jamie Dimon.

Calpers also voted for a boardroom shake-up at Hewlett-Packard, where two directors, G. Kennedy Thompson, chairman of the audit committee, and John L. Hammergren, chairman of the finance and investment committee, came under fire after the company took $19 billion in write-downs on three expensive acquisitions.

At a meeting in Washington in February, a month before HP’s annual meeting, the company’s chairman, Raymond J. Lane, and another director faced a group of about 15 institutional investors including Calstrs and the $144 billion New York City pension funds. While the directors “tried to defend the board processes” in reviewing the acquisitions, “it was too little, too late,” said Michael Garland, head of corporate governance for the New York City comptroller, John C. Liu. After votes of just 59 percent for Mr. Lane, 55 percent for Mr. Thompson and 54 percent for Mr. Hammergren, Mr. Lane stepped down as chairman and the two others also left.

Calpers has also backed director reshuffles or resignations over executive pay at Occidental and Chesapeake and over safety at Massey. Ms. Simpson says stocks of companies subject to such actions have beaten the market â€" some critics dispute that â€" and Calpers plans to increase the assets it has devoted to those causes. In recent years, she says, “what once upon a time had been viewed as sniping has become viewed as responsible ownership.”

Sometimes companies work harmoniously with investors. At the UnitedHealth Group, where Calpers had the right to appoint one director unilaterally under the terms of the settlement of a past lawsuit, Ms. Simpson worked with the chairwoman of the nominating and corporate governance committee, Michele J. Hooper, in 2012 to find a mutually acceptable nominee, Rodger A. Lawson, a former president of Fidelity Investments.

Many companies are also deploying board members to gain the support of big investors in case they are confronted by activist hedge funds seeking management or strategy changes or fielding their own director candidates through proxy votes. “We advise our clients that it makes a great deal of sense for directors to meet with the major shareholders,” said Martin Lipton, who represents corporate boards at Wachtell Lipton Rosen & Katz.

But other companies resist shareholder pressure. At Nabors Industries, an energy services company, where investors have complained about oversize executive severance pay, two directors, John Yearwood and John V. Lombardi, received votes of just 47 percent and 44 percent last June. But the Nabors board rejected resignations by the two directors, which they had tendered pursuant to company bylaws, and they continue to serve.

Ms. Simpson, who joined Calpers in 2009, cut her teeth in governance at the World Bank. There she worked on a task force led by Mr. Millstein that barnstormed emerging markets in the late 1990s to help local officials understand what governance protections global investors sought. She and Mr. Millstein have since taught corporate governance together at Yale.

Calpers, which once published an annual list of companies it said had poor corporate governance, has halted its so-called name and shame program in favor of a behind-the-scenes approach, which Ms. Simpson calls “speak softly and carry a big stick.” The stick, she adds, “needs to be used sparingly.” She added, “The issue needs to be fundamental, or when you have a demonstrable failure of oversight.”

Because Calpers indexes much of its stock market investments, it owns 0.5 percent or more of most public companies. As long-term investors who plan to hold on to the stock, Mr. Millstein says, Calpers can credibly tell companies “we’re willing to work with you.”

Calpers sets its own priorities and doesn’t slavishly follow activist investors or proxy advisory services, Ms. Simpson notes. She said she urged a separation of the chairman and chief executive jobs at JPMorgan in her first meeting with Mr. Dimon in 2010, before the trading blowup.

What is more, she adds, the fund’s efforts depend on gaining widespread support among other mainstream investors. She often works with other big funds to reach common goals, like soliciting votes for governance proposals by the New York City funds at Chesapeake and Nabors.

Gianna McCarthy, director of corporate governance at the $161 billion New York State Common Retirement Fund, adds, “I think there is more of an ability for public funds to register their dissatisfaction with directors and eventually have them resign from boards.”



Australia Blocks A.D.M. Bid for GrainCorp

HONG KONG â€" The Australian government rejected on Friday a $2.7 billion takeover bid for GrainCorp by Archer Daniels Midland, the American agribusiness giant, saying that the deal was against the national interest.

In a surprise decision, the Australian treasurer, Joe Hockey, announced that the country’s foreign investment review board had failed to reach a consensus on the matter and that he personally made the call blocking the deal, nodding to opposition from smaller grain growers and the general public.

‘‘Many industry participants, particularly growers in eastern Australia, have expressed concern that the proposed acquisition could reduce competition and impede growers’ ability to access the grain storage, logistics and distribution network,’’ Mr. Hockey said on Friday in a statement.

‘‘Allowing it to proceed could risk undermining public support for the foreign investment regime and ongoing foreign investment more generally,’’ he said. ‘‘This would not be in our national interest.’’

The Australian prime minister, Tony Abbott, who leads the conservative Liberal-National coalition that took office in September, ending the Labor Party’s six years of leadership, had pledged that the country would remain ‘‘open for business’’ during his term.

But the rejection of the A.D.M. bid for GrainCorp may raise concerns among foreign investors, and the decision was immediately criticized by the opposition.

‘‘This decision by the treasurer means that Australia will miss out on investment it should have received â€"jobs won’t be created that should have been created and the Australian economy will be worse off,’’ said Chris Bowen, the opposition spokesman on treasury issues, according to a report by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation.

‘‘If you want to ensure Australia’s food security, then you ensure investment in Australia’s food and agricultural industry,’’ Mr. Bowen said. ‘‘Whether that investment be foreign investment or domestic investment, you ensure investment.’’

A.D.M., based in Decatur, Illinois, had sought to acquire GrainCorp for more than a year, and this past week it offered to invest more in Australia if it succeeded in its bid for one of the country’s biggest grain producers. The sweetened deal was worth 3 billion Australian dollars, or $2.7 billion, in cash and dividends, with A.D.M. pledging to invest an additional 500 million dollars in the domestic grain business.

By its own estimates, GrainCorp handles 75 percent of eastern Australia’s annual grain production and 90 percent of that region’s bulk grain exports. The deal would have helped the American company expand its international footprint and tap rising demand from growing and increasingly wealthy countries in Asia, including China, a top export market for Australian agricultural products.

‘‘Throughout this process, we worked constructively to create an arrangement that would be in Australia’s best interests and made substantial commitments to address issues that were important to stakeholders,’’ Patricia A. Woertz, the chairwoman and chief executive of A.D.M., said in a statement. ‘‘We are disappointed by this decision.’’

Shares in GrainCorp fell as much as 26 percent in Sydney on Friday, briefly touching a 20-month low of 8.25 dollars before recovering a bit. The stock closed on Thursday at 11.20 dollars, still well below A.D.M.’s bid of 12.20 dollars a share, reflecting investors’ skepticism that the deal would succeed.

Despite the rejection, A.D.M. retains a 19.8 percent stake in GrainCorp. In his statement on Friday, Mr. Hockey, the treasurer, said he would allow the American company to increase its stake to as much as 24.9 percent.

‘‘Of the more than 130 applications that have come to my desk since the election, only one has been declined and this is it,’’ Mr. Hockey said. ‘‘I have acted in the national interest. The fact is the industry is going through transition and now is not the right time to have all the major players foreign owned.’’



Australia Blocks A.D.M. Bid for GrainCorp

Activist investors like Carl C. Icahn, Daniel S. Loeb and William A. Ackman are getting deep-pocketed imitators.

Some of the biggest public pension funds, which have sought to influence companies for years, are now starting to emulate these investors by engaging with, and sometimes seeking to oust, directors of companies whose stock they own.

Anne Simpson, director of corporate governance at the California Public Employees’ Pension Fund, the largest United States pension plan with $279 billion in assets, says “board coups” this year that led to the departure of directors at Hewlett-Packard, JPMorgan Chase and Occidental Petroleum show “how shareholder activism is evolving from barbarians at the gate to acting like owners.”

Calpers is one of several big United States public funds that have played roles in shareholder uprisings in recent years at companies that included Chesapeake Energy, Nabors Industries and Massey Energy. While some of the revolts were led by labor groups or acivist investors, Calpers has often cast its votes alongside them.

Ira M. Millstein, a lawyer who specializes in corporate governance at Weil Gotshal & Manges, says it is significant that “the biggest pension fund in the U.S. is taking an activist role, going to companies that aren’t doing well and saying, ‘You really ought to change.’ ”

The second-largest public fund, the $176 billion California State Teachers Retirement System, went so far as to co-sponsor a proposal with the activist fund Relational Investors to break up the Timken Company, the maker of steel and bearings, criticizing the outsize representation of the founding Timken family, which held three of 11 board seats while holding just 10 percent of the stock. Four months after the proposal won a 53 percent vote, Timken acquiesced to a breakup in September.

Anne Sheehan, director of corporate governance at Calstrs, says pension fund “activism and engagement has stepped up quite a bit more as a result of the financial crisis when we all lost a lot of value. As universal owners, how can we not assert our rights and develop a relationship with companies in our portfolio?”

The big public funds have successfully campaigned in the last decade for the right of shareholders to elect each director individually by majority vote on an annual basis, more recently using the procedure to seek the ouster of directors who receive a heavy no vote. While the companies often are not legally bound to replace directors who do not win a majority, some directors have resigned voluntarily.

One of the last big holdouts against majority voting was Apple, where Calpers waged a three-year battle with steadily increasing shareholder votes, which culminated in Apple’s agreement in 2012 to allow electing directors by majority vote.

The adoption of majority voting “has made directors far more willing to engage,” said Ann Yerger, executive director of the Council of Institutional Investors. Nell Minow, the co-founder of the governance advisory firm GMI Ratings, says there has been “a shift in tactics” among big activist investors “from shareholder proposals to engagement and director replacement.”

This year may have marked a “pivot point where the central focus of shareholder activism shifted” to “direct challenges to board members,” according to a report in August by Institutional Shareholders Services, which advises investors on proxy voting and other governance issues.

At JPMorgan, for example, Calpers and other investors backed a call by Change-to-Win, a labor group, for the ouster of three directors on the board’s risk committee whose qualifications were questioned after the bank suffered a $6.2 billion loss on what became known as the London whale trades.

After receiving votes of just 53 and 59 percent at the bank’s annual meeting in May, Ellen V. Futter, president of the American Museum of Natural History, and David M. Cote, the chairman and chief executive of Honeywell International, stepped down in July. The bank also designated Lee R. Raymond, the former chief executive of Exxon Mobil, to be the lead outside director after defeating an investor campaign to separate the jobs of chief executive and chairman, boh held by Jamie Dimon.

Calpers also voted for a boardroom shake-up at Hewlett-Packard, where two directors, G. Kennedy Thompson, chairman of the audit committee, and John L. Hammergren, chairman of the finance and investment committee, came under fire after the company took $19 billion in write-downs on three expensive acquisitions.

At a meeting in Washington in February, a month before HP’s annual meeting, the company’s chairman, Raymond J. Lane, and another director faced a group of about 15 institutional investors including Calstrs and the $144 billion New York City pension funds. While the directors “tried to defend the board processes” in reviewing the acquisitions, “it was too little, too late,” said Michael Garland, head of corporate governance for the New York City comptroller, John C. Liu. After votes of just 59 percent for Mr. Lane, 55 percent for Mr. Thompson and 54 percent for Mr. Hammergren, Mr. Lane stepped down as chairman and the two others also left.

Calpers has also backed director reshuffles or resignations over executive pay at Occidental and Chesapeake and over safety at Massey. Ms. Simpson says stocks of companies subject to such actions have beaten the market â€" some critics dispute that â€" and Calpers plans to increase the assets it has devoted to those causes. In recent years, she says, “what once upon a time had been viewed as sniping has become viewed as responsible ownership.”

Sometimes companies work harmoniously with investors. At the UnitedHealth Group, where Calpers had the right to appoint one director unilaterally under the terms of the settlement of a past lawsuit, Ms. Simpson worked with the chairwoman of the nominating and corporate governance committee, Michele J. Hooper, in 2012 to find a mutually acceptable nominee, Rodger A. Lawson, a former president of Fidelity Investments.

Many companies are also deploying board members to gain the support of big investors in case they are confronted by activist hedge funds seeking management or strategy changes or fielding their own director candidates through proxy votes. “We advise our clients that it makes a great deal of sense for directors to meet with the major shareholders,” said Martin Lipton, who represents corporate boards at Wachtell Lipton Rosen & Katz.

But other companies resist shareholder pressure. At Nabors Industries, an energy services company, where investors have complained about oversize executive severance pay, two directors, John Yearwood and John V. Lombardi, received votes of just 47 percent and 44 percent last June. But the Nabors board rejected resignations by the two directors, which they had tendered pursuant to company bylaws, and they continue to serve.

Ms. Simpson, who joined Calpers in 2009, cut her teeth in governance at the World Bank. There she worked on a task force led by Mr. Millstein that barnstormed emerging markets in the late 1990s to help local officials understand what governance protections global investors sought. She and Mr. Millstein have since taught corporate governance together at Yale.

Calpers, which once published an annual list of companies it said had poor corporate governance, has halted its so-called name and shame program in favor of a behind-the-scenes approach, which Ms. Simpson calls “speak softly and carry a big stick.” The stick, she adds, “needs to be used sparingly.” She added, “The issue needs to be fundamental, or when you have a demonstrable failure of oversight.”

Because Calpers indexes much of its stock market investments, it owns 0.5 percent or more of most public companies. As long-term investors who plan to hold on to the stock, Mr. Millstein says, Calpers can credibly tell companies “we’re willing to work with you.”

Calpers sets its own priorities and doesn’t slavishly follow activist investors or proxy advisory services, Ms. Simpson notes. She said she urged a separation of the chairman and chief executive jobs at JPMorgan in her first meeting with Mr. Dimon in 2010, before the trading blowup.

What is more, she adds, the fund’s efforts depend on gaining widespread support among other mainstream investors. She often works with other big funds to reach common goals, like soliciting votes for governance proposals by the New York City funds at Chesapeake and Nabors.

Gianna McCarthy, director of corporate governance at the $161 billion New York State Common Retirement Fund, adds, “I think there is more of an ability for public funds to register their dissatisfaction with directors and eventually have them resign from boards.”



Some Big Public Pension Funds Are Behaving Like Activist Investors

Activist investors like Carl C. Icahn, Daniel S. Loeb and William A. Ackman are getting deep-pocketed imitators.

Some of the biggest public pension funds, which have sought to influence companies for years, are now starting to emulate these investors by engaging with, and sometimes seeking to oust, directors of companies whose stock they own.

Anne Simpson, director of corporate governance at the California Public Employees’ Pension Fund, the largest United States pension plan with $279 billion in assets, says “board coups” this year that led to the departure of directors at Hewlett-Packard, JPMorgan Chase and Occidental Petroleum show “how shareholder activism is evolving from barbarians at the gate to acting like owners.”

Calpers is one of several big United States public funds that have played roles in shareholder uprisings in recent years at companies that included Chesapeake Energy, Nabors Industries and Massey Energy. While some of the revolts were led by labor groups or acivist investors, Calpers has often cast its votes alongside them.

Ira M. Millstein, a lawyer who specializes in corporate governance at Weil Gotshal & Manges, says it is significant that “the biggest pension fund in the U.S. is taking an activist role, going to companies that aren’t doing well and saying, ‘You really ought to change.’ ”

The second-largest public fund, the $176 billion California State Teachers Retirement System, went so far as to co-sponsor a proposal with the activist fund Relational Investors to break up the Timken Company, the maker of steel and bearings, criticizing the outsize representation of the founding Timken family, which held three of 11 board seats while holding just 10 percent of the stock. Four months after the proposal won a 53 percent vote, Timken acquiesced to a breakup in September.

Anne Sheehan, director of corporate governance at Calstrs, says pension fund “activism and engagement has stepped up quite a bit more as a result of the financial crisis when we all lost a lot of value. As universal owners, how can we not assert our rights and develop a relationship with companies in our portfolio?”

The big public funds have successfully campaigned in the last decade for the right of shareholders to elect each director individually by majority vote on an annual basis, more recently using the procedure to seek the ouster of directors who receive a heavy no vote. While the companies often are not legally bound to replace directors who do not win a majority, some directors have resigned voluntarily.

One of the last big holdouts against majority voting was Apple, where Calpers waged a three-year battle with steadily increasing shareholder votes, which culminated in Apple’s agreement in 2012 to allow electing directors by majority vote.

The adoption of majority voting “has made directors far more willing to engage,” said Ann Yerger, executive director of the Council of Institutional Investors. Nell Minow, the co-founder of the governance advisory firm GMI Ratings, says there has been “a shift in tactics” among big activist investors “from shareholder proposals to engagement and director replacement.”

This year may have marked a “pivot point where the central focus of shareholder activism shifted” to “direct challenges to board members,” according to a report in August by Institutional Shareholders Services, which advises investors on proxy voting and other governance issues.

At JPMorgan, for example, Calpers and other investors backed a call by Change-to-Win, a labor group, for the ouster of three directors on the board’s risk committee whose qualifications were questioned after the bank suffered a $6.2 billion loss on what became known as the London whale trades.

After receiving votes of just 53 and 59 percent at the bank’s annual meeting in May, Ellen V. Futter, president of the American Museum of Natural History, and David M. Cote, the chairman and chief executive of Honeywell International, stepped down in July. The bank also designated Lee R. Raymond, the former chief executive of Exxon Mobil, to be the lead outside director after defeating an investor campaign to separate the jobs of chief executive and chairman, boh held by Jamie Dimon.

Calpers also voted for a boardroom shake-up at Hewlett-Packard, where two directors, G. Kennedy Thompson, chairman of the audit committee, and John L. Hammergren, chairman of the finance and investment committee, came under fire after the company took $19 billion in write-downs on three expensive acquisitions.

At a meeting in Washington in February, a month before HP’s annual meeting, the company’s chairman, Raymond J. Lane, and another director faced a group of about 15 institutional investors including Calstrs and the $144 billion New York City pension funds. While the directors “tried to defend the board processes” in reviewing the acquisitions, “it was too little, too late,” said Michael Garland, head of corporate governance for the New York City comptroller, John C. Liu. After votes of just 59 percent for Mr. Lane, 55 percent for Mr. Thompson and 54 percent for Mr. Hammergren, Mr. Lane stepped down as chairman and the two others also left.

Calpers has also backed director reshuffles or resignations over executive pay at Occidental and Chesapeake and over safety at Massey. Ms. Simpson says stocks of companies subject to such actions have beaten the market â€" some critics dispute that â€" and Calpers plans to increase the assets it has devoted to those causes. In recent years, she says, “what once upon a time had been viewed as sniping has become viewed as responsible ownership.”

Sometimes companies work harmoniously with investors. At the UnitedHealth Group, where Calpers had the right to appoint one director unilaterally under the terms of the settlement of a past lawsuit, Ms. Simpson worked with the chairwoman of the nominating and corporate governance committee, Michele J. Hooper, in 2012 to find a mutually acceptable nominee, Rodger A. Lawson, a former president of Fidelity Investments.

Many companies are also deploying board members to gain the support of big investors in case they are confronted by activist hedge funds seeking management or strategy changes or fielding their own director candidates through proxy votes. “We advise our clients that it makes a great deal of sense for directors to meet with the major shareholders,” said Martin Lipton, who represents corporate boards at Wachtell Lipton Rosen & Katz.

But other companies resist shareholder pressure. At Nabors Industries, an energy services company, where investors have complained about oversize executive severance pay, two directors, John Yearwood and John V. Lombardi, received votes of just 47 percent and 44 percent last June. But the Nabors board rejected resignations by the two directors, which they had tendered pursuant to company bylaws, and they continue to serve.

Ms. Simpson, who joined Calpers in 2009, cut her teeth in governance at the World Bank. There she worked on a task force led by Mr. Millstein that barnstormed emerging markets in the late 1990s to help local officials understand what governance protections global investors sought. She and Mr. Millstein have since taught corporate governance together at Yale.

Calpers, which once published an annual list of companies it said had poor corporate governance, has halted its so-called name and shame program in favor of a behind-the-scenes approach, which Ms. Simpson calls “speak softly and carry a big stick.” The stick, she adds, “needs to be used sparingly.” She added, “The issue needs to be fundamental, or when you have a demonstrable failure of oversight.”

Because Calpers indexes much of its stock market investments, it owns 0.5 percent or more of most public companies. As long-term investors who plan to hold on to the stock, Mr. Millstein says, Calpers can credibly tell companies “we’re willing to work with you.”

Calpers sets its own priorities and doesn’t slavishly follow activist investors or proxy advisory services, Ms. Simpson notes. She said she urged a separation of the chairman and chief executive jobs at JPMorgan in her first meeting with Mr. Dimon in 2010, before the trading blowup.

What is more, she adds, the fund’s efforts depend on gaining widespread support among other mainstream investors. She often works with other big funds to reach common goals, like soliciting votes for governance proposals by the New York City funds at Chesapeake and Nabors.

Gianna McCarthy, director of corporate governance at the $161 billion New York State Common Retirement Fund, adds, “I think there is more of an ability for public funds to register their dissatisfaction with directors and eventually have them resign from boards.”



Orange to Sell Dominican Telecom Business

LONDON - The French telecommunications company Orange has reached an agreement to sell its Dominican Republic operations to the Luxembourg cable and broadband provider Altice for $1.4 billion.

The deal strengthens Altice’s presence in the Caribbean, where it offers cable television and mobile phone services in Martinique, Guadeloupe and French Guiana. In October, Altice announced that it was buying a controlling stake in the Dominican Republic cable and mobile operator Tricom.

Orange Dominicana had about 3.4 million subscribers at the end of September. Combined, Orange Dominicana and Tricom will have about 4 million subscribers.

The deal is subject to approval by Dominican authorities and will be submitted to Orange’s board of directors next month.

The sale is the latest in a wave of restructuring by European telecom companies as they look to consolidate or streamline their operations.

Vivendi announced plans earlier this week to spin off its mobile and telecom unit SFR after selling a 53 percent stake in its Moroccan business earlier this month for 4.2 billion euros, or about $5.7 billion.

Earlier this month, Deutsche Telekom announced a deal to sell a 70 percent stake in its online classified advertising business for €1.5 billion and PPF Group is selling a controlling stake in the Spanish telecom company, Telefónica, for €2.5 billion.

In September, the British telecom company Vodafone agreed to sell its 45 percent stake in Verizon Communications’ wireless unit in the United States for $130 billion, the largest deal so far this year. The American telecom giant AT&T is also considering making acquisitions in Europe as early as next year.



UBS Combines Investment Banking Businesses

LONDON - The Swiss bank UBS is combining its currency, interest rates and credit trading businesses into one unit, according to a memo circulated at the bank earlier this month.

The move comes as UBS has undertaken efforts in the past year to shrink its investment bank and shift focus away from riskier trading activities to its wealth management and retail operations. The bank cut 10,000 jobs last year as part of the overhaul.

Chris Murphy and George Athanasopoulos, both members of the investment bank’s executive committee, will head the combined operations, according to the memo, which was distributed at UBS on Nov. 19. UBS has confirmed the contents of the memo.

Chris Vogelgesang, co-head of global foreign exchange and precious metals trading, will step down and is exploring other opportunities at the bank, according to the memo. He will work closely with Messrs. Murphy and Athanasopoulos during the integration.

“The integration is not a change in strategy, rather a natural evolution of what we are trying to achieve,” the memo said.

Credit Suisse, Switzerland’s second-biggest after UBS, announced a similar move earlier this month combining its foreign exchange, rates and commodities businesses into a new division, according to an internal memo circulated Nov. 15. The bank also has cut positions in its fixed income business in recent months. Credit Suisse has confirmed the contents of the memo.

Swiss regulators have required Swiss banks to hold more capital and adopted tighter regulations designed to prevent a bank from being labeled “too big to fail” in the future. Swiss taxpayers injected billions of dollars into UBS during the crisis.

Both Credit Suisse and UBS have announced plans to “ring fence” parts of their businesses in hopes of shielding their retail clients and protecting each bank from the impact of problems in a single unit in the event of another financial crisis.

On Thursday, the two banks announced that they have formed a new business group called the Swiss Finance Council to help Swiss financial institutions shape policy issues as they are debated in the European Commission, the executive arm of the European Union. The new council, which will work with the Swiss Bankers Association, was formed ahead of the upcoming European parliamentary elections next year.

UBS and Credit Suisse are among more than a dozen banks that are facing inquiries by regulators in the United States, Europe and Hong Kong into the $5-trillion-a-day currency trading markets.

Twelve traders have been placed on leave at various banks pending the outcome of the investigation and several banks are considering limiting the use of chat rooms, which is an area of focus for regulators exploring potential collusion in the market. None of the traders has been formally accused of wrongdoing.

UBS and Credit Suisse are both internally reviewing their foreign exchange operations as a result of the investigations.

Earlier this week, UBS restricted the use of chat rooms by its traders, banning so-called multidealer chats where traders from several banks can congregate and social chat rooms, according to an internal memo. Single-client chats are allowed with written approval and all chats must be conducted on UBS’s internal systems, according to the memo.

The chat restriction is not related to the merging of the foreign exchange, rates and credit trading businesses.

Despite its size, the currency-trading market is largely unregulated and dominated by a handful of banks. Deutsche Bank, Citigroup, Barclays and UBS account for about half of all trading.



Analyst Says Senior Trader Sought ‘Edgy’ Information

Jon Horvath needed to step up his game at SAC Capital Advisors.

Mr. Horvath, who gathered information about technology companies in which SAC invested, conceded in a self-performance review in 2007 that he offered a “poor contribution to” profit at the giant hedge fund. Mr. Horvath had also lost “a lot of money” from a bet on a data storage company, an episode that prompted a stern warning from his boss, Michael S. Steinberg.

Mr. Horvath’s attempts to rectify the mistake are now at the center of Mr. Steinberg’s insider trading trial. Mr. Horvath, the federal government’s star witness in the case who is hoping for leniency in exchange for testifying, claimed on Wednesday that Mr. Steinberg wanted him to cross a legal line.

“What I need you to do is get me edgy, proprietary information,” Mr. Horvath recalled Mr. Steinberg instructing him one evening after SAC’s trading floor went dark for the day. In testimony on Wednesday, his second day on the witness stand, Mr. Horvath added that “I thought he wanted me to cultivate sources of nonpublic information,” that is, violate insider trading laws.

Mr. Horvath moved swiftly to appease his boss, extracting confidential information from a friend about Dell’s financial results and broader corporate strategy. Mr. Steinberg then traded on the information, Mr. Horvath said, activity that underpins the government’s case.

“I thought my job was in danger,” Mr. Horvath said, portraying Mr. Steinberg as something of a bully. “I thought he’d fire me.”

Mr. Steinberg’s trial is unfolding in Federal District Court in Manhattan just weeks after SAC, run by the billionaire investor Steven A. Cohen, pleaded guilty to criminal insider trading charges. SAC agreed to pay $1.2 billion to the government, a record for insider trading, and wind down its business of managing outside money for investors. Mr. Cohen has not been charged criminally.

Mr. Steinberg, a 41-year-old senior trader who was among SAC’s earliest employees, is the first SAC employee to stand trial in the government’s long investigation of the hedge fund. Of the eight SAC employees charged criminally, six have pleaded guilty to securities fraud, including Mr. Horvath. One other employee, Mathew Martoma, is fighting the charges and faces a trial in January.

A 44-year-old native Swede who grew up in Canada, Mr. Horvath is the linchpin in the case against Mr. Steinberg. Although Mr. Horvath is older, Mr. Steinberg was the leader. They worked side by side on SAC’s trading floor; Mr. Horvath served as a sort of research assistant with a unique window into Mr. Steinberg’s trading.

But to Mr. Steinberg’s lawyer, Barry H. Berke, Mr. Horvath’s viewpoint is tainted.

He is “recreating history” in a desperate attempt to strike a deal with the government, Mr. Berke said in opening arguments. Mr. Horvath acknowledged on the witness stand that “I hope to avoid jail time.”

It is unclear whether Mr. Horvath will hold up under Mr. Berke’s cross-examination, scheduled for next week. Already, some of Mr. Horvath’s testimony appeared stiff, as if he rehearsed the answers.

Mr. Berke is expected to press Mr. Horvath about the details of the leak from Dell, a strategy that will suggest that Mr. Steinberg had no idea that SAC obtained the information improperly. Mr. Berke will most likely highlight that Mr. Steinberg is at the end of a five-person chain of information that started with an insider at Dell and wound its way to Mr. Horvath and Mr. Steinberg.

Jesse Tortora, who was friends with Mr. Horvath, was in the middle of the chain. A former employee at Intel who later became a technology stock analyst at another hedge fund, Diamondback Capital Management, Mr. Tortora accumulated a Rolodex that reached inside Dell.

The contacts paid off for Mr. Horvath. From late 2007 through 2009, Mr. Horvath said in testimony, Mr. Tortora provided a rich vein of information about Dell’s financial data.

Mr. Tortora, who has also pleaded guilty to insider trading and testified earlier in Mr. Steinberg’s trial, provided as many as five updates ahead of Dell’s August 2008 earnings report. Mr. Tortora, based on his source with ties to the company, believed that Dell was going to produce disappointing results that quarter.

Armed with that tip, Mr. Horvath alerted Mr. Steinberg, who then authorized a bet against Dell’s stock. Mr. Steinberg’s portfolio earned about $1 million on that trade.

That same year, Mr. Tortora informed Mr. Horvath that Dell’s chief financial officer was set to step down. And when Dell was planning a major cost-cutting venture, Mr. Tortora once again alerted Mr. Horvath.

Most times, Mr. Horvath would log the tips into an SAC database. When the information was particularly pertinent, like the cost-saving effort, Mr. Horvath would email it directly to Mr. Steinberg.

“I like the Dell chart,” Mr. Steinberg replied, indicating SAC should double down on the stock.

While the emails could be damning, it is possible that Mr. Steinberg was unaware that the information had been improperly obtained. The Dell source, theoretically, could have had authorization to release the information.

“I told Mike that Jesse had a contact at Dell, inside the company,” Mr. Horvath said. But he did not remember whether the conversation happened over the phone or in person. And SAC never knew the insider’s name.



Vivendi to Spin Off Its Internet and Mobile Unit

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A New Credit Boom

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CVS Caremark to Buy Infusion Business

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The Overlooked Secret to Great Performance

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Moncler Sets Price Range for I.P.O.

LONDON - Moncler, the Italian maker of luxury winter jackets, plans to raise as much as $1.1 billion in its initial public offering on the Milan stock exchange.

The price range for the apparel maker, which had abandoned a plan for an initial share sale in 2011, was 8.75 euros to 10.2 euros a share, according to a statement late Tuesday from Eurazeo, the French investment company that owns 45 percent of the company. Moncler has an option to increase the size of the offer by 15 percent, which would value the share sale at €783 million.

Most of the proceeds are expected to go to Eurazeo, Moncler’s largest shareholder, and the private equity firm Carlyle Group. Remo Ruffini, the Italian entrepreneur and Moncler chairman who bought the company in 2003 before bringing in private equity partners, plans to keep his entire 32 percent in the company, a spokeswoman for Moncler said.

Mr. Ruffini is widely credited with turning Moncler â€" a shortening of Monestier-de-Clermont, the village in Grenoble, France, where the company was founded â€" from an outfitter for the French Olympic ski team into a global fashion brand. In recent years, Moncler has added separate collections designed by Thom Browne and Giambattista Valli to its more traditional lines. Last year, the company had sales of €489.2 million and €161.5 million euros in earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization. It has122 stores.

Moncler’s planned sale is the latest in a growing number of I.P.O.’s in Europe as companies and their investors seek to benefit from an economic recovery and growing consumer confidence. Fashion labels in particular have pursued stock offerings, driven by investors’ desire to tap into luxury retail, a sector that has quickly rebounded since the global financial crisis. Among those that have taken to the stock markets are Michael Kors and the Italian brands Prada and Brunello Cucinelli, while Marc Jacobs stepped down from Louis Vuitton to focus on an I.P.O. for his own label.

Carlyle abandoned plans for a Moncler I.P.O. in Milan in 2011, when the market was volatile, and instead decided to sell a stake to Eurazeo in a deal that valued Moncler at about €1.2 billion. If priced at the top of the range, Moncler’s initial share sale would value the company at €2.5 billion.

The final price of the shares is to be announced on Dec. 11; they are expected to start trading on Dec. 16.

Goldman Sachs, Bank of America Merrill Lynch and Mediobanca are global coordinators of the sale. JPMorgan Chase, Nomura, Banca IMI and UBS will work as joint book runners and BNP Paribas, Equita SIM and HSBC will serve as lead managers. Claudio Costamagna, a former Goldman Sachs banker, and Lazard are advising Moncler.



A Prediction: Bitcoin Is Doomed to Fail

The developers of bitcoin are trying to show that money can be successfully privatized. They will fail, because money that is not issued by governments is always doomed to failure. Money is inevitably a tool of the state.

Bitcoin relies on thoroughly contemporary technology. It consists of computer-generated tokens, with sophisticated algorithms guaranteeing the anonymity, transparency and integrity of transactions. But the monetary philosophy behind this web-based phenomenon can be traced back to one of the oldest theories of money.

Economists have long declared that currencies are essentially a tool to increase the efficiency of barter, which they consider the foundation of all organized economic activity. In this view, money is a convenient instrument used by individuals to get things done. It is not inherently part of the apparatus of government.

I think of the concept of privately issued tender as “right money,” because the whole idea appeals instinctively to right-wing thinkers. They dislike centralized authority of all sorts, including monetary authority. For example, Friedrich Hayek, Margaret Thatcher’s favorite economist, proposed replacing the state’s monopoly on legal tender with competing currencies offered by rival banks.

Mr. Hayek presumably would have approved of bitcoin. The currency’s issuer is an unknown computer programmer, about as far from a government as can be imagined. Right now, bitcoin is tiny; at the current exaggerated exchange rate, the total projected volume of “coins” is worth less than the gross domestic product of Mongolia. Still, Mr. Hayek might well have dreamed of bitcoins becoming a global currency for wages, prices and loans. He would, though, have hoped for a more stable value, not the increase from $13 to $900 per bitcoin in less than a year.

But the right-money historical narrative is simply wrong, as the anthropologist David Graeber explains in his book ”Debt: The First 5,000 Years.” Straightforward barter played a tiny role in all premodern economies. Instead, what we think of as purely economic activity was inseparable from an intricate structure of social relationships and spiritual beliefs. Purely commercial activity was rare â€" and it almost always relied on some form of government-issued money. Barter was not the precursor to money; it has always been the inferior alternative.

So it is not surprising that barter economies only develop when governments break down. Similarly, truly private money is an inferior alternative to the money that comes with the backing of a political authority. After all, no bank or bitcoin-emitter can be as public-minded as a government, and no private power can raise taxes or pass laws to unwind monetary excesses.

In short, while the freedom promised by right money may be ideologically appealing, monetary relations are too closely interwoven with other economic, political and social relations to be managed well by any institution with less sway than a government. The detailed work of money creation can be delegated to independent central banks and to a credit system of regulated private banks, but the ultimate authority of any functioning monetary system will always be the ultimate political authority.

Bitcoin exemplifies some of the problems of private money: Its value is uncertain, its legal status is unclear, and it could easily become valueless if users lose faith. Besides, if bitcoin ever really started to take off, governments would either ban it or take over the system. The authorities might be motivated by a genuine concern about the stability of a shadow monetary system or they might act out of self-preservation. Tax evasion would be too easy in a right-money parallel economy.

Mr. Hayek thought left-wing thinkers ignored the dangers of big government. He may have been right, but his idealism cannot overturn reality. All effective money is state-backed â€" what could be called “left money.”

Of course, the global monetary system has suffered from appalling management in recent years. The authorities, especially in the United States, first allowed banks to act almost as if they were in a right-money world, lending and speculating wildly. That led to a typical right-money disaster â€" a sudden loss of trust and the failure of leading institutions. The authorities rescued the financial system, but their monetary system still cannot provide steady support to the rest of the economy.

The outcome could have been much worse. Banks are still in business and consumer inflation rates are generally low. Still, the typical current combination of low interest rates, large government deficits and high ratios of debt to G.D.P. amounts to an invitation to monetary accidents.

Part of the interest in virtual currencies like bitcoin is that their anonymity can provide a convenient cloak for criminal activity. Part is technological â€" this is a cool idea. And part is speculative â€" gamblers bet that bitcoin’s value will increase.

But I suspect another important factor is political: Bitcoin appeals because governments are not fully living up to the responsibility that comes with state-sponsored money. Bitcoin, or something like it, will thrive until the authorities do better.


Edward Hadas is economics editor at Reuters Breakingviews. For more independent commentary and analysis, visit breakingviews.com.



American-US Airways Merger Cleared

Airlines Clear Final Merger Obstacle

Scott Olson/Getty Images

Travelers checking in at American Airlines kiosks at Chicago's O'Hare International Airport. A bankruptcy court ruling on Wednesday puts an end to a rocky two-year period for the airline.

A federal court approved American Airlines’ reorganization plan on Wednesday, clearing the way for the airline’s exit from bankruptcy and removing the final hurdle to its merger with US Airways to form the world’s largest airline.

David Gillen: Fewer Choices in the Air Close Video See More Videos »

The ruling by Judge Sean H. Lane, of the United States Bankruptcy Court for the Southern District of New York, puts an end to a rocky two-year period for the airline, which sought court protection to reorganize its business, shed debt and rewrite labor agreements.

A central feature of the reorganization plan was the merger with US Airways, a prospect that had the backing of American’s creditors and employees. But the plan was temporarily disrupted after a challenge from the Justice Department over the summer on the grounds that it would hurt competition and lead to higher fares.

Just weeks before the trial was schedule to start, however, and after months of uncertainty, regulators and the airlines settled the suit on Nov. 12. The bankruptcy court found the settlement did not modify the plan of reorganization enough to warrant a new vote by creditors and shareholders.

The airline said it expected the merger to close on Dec. 9. It said that the last day of trading for all outstanding securities, including those of its parent company AMR Corp. as well as shares of US Airways, would be Dec. 6. Once the merger closes, AMR will be renamed American Airlines Group, and be listed on the Nasdaq under the ticker symbol AAL.

The airline as well as labor groups welcomed the ruling, which offers a chance for American to reclaim a top spot among the nation’s carriers. The merged airline will have 6,700 daily flights, 1,500 airplanes and about 100,000 employees. Its combined annual revenue will reach about $38 billion.

American, which has lagged rivals in recent years, was the last of the legacy airlines to file for bankruptcy, stumbling from its perch as the nation’s top carrier after falling behind Delta Air Lines and United Airlines. Both of those airlines had already reorganized their businesses in recent years and had expanded through mergers of their own.

American and US Airways argued that a combination was the best hope to provide travelers with a similar global network capable of competing with Delta and United or risk being left behind.

But American will have to work hard to convince passengers that a larger carrier can offer better and more customer-friendly service. Airline mergers are usually bumpy events, often marred by reservation problems and computer glitches. United, for example, suffered repeated flight delays and disruptions last year because of problems associated with its merger with Continental Airlines.

It will be up to a renewed management team, led by US Airways’ W. Douglas Parker, to instill energy and fresh thoughts at American, where morale has been sapped by labor tensions in recent years. The combined airline, which will keep the name American Airlines, will be based in the Dallas-Fort Worth region.

Mr. Parker has been a cheerleader for airline consolidation for years. He orchestrated the combination of American West with US Airways in 2005 and then sought to merge the carrier with Delta as well as United, unsuccessfully.

After American filed for bankruptcy, Mr. Parker saw an opening to go after a fast merger despite the opposition of American’s managers. He made his case quickly, first with airline employees, then with its creditors. He then persuaded the representatives of his rival’s pilots, flight attendants and mechanics to all back a merger with US Airways provided that Mr. Parker would run the show.

The vote, which crystallized the employees’ defiance against American’s managers and what they described as a failed strategy over the years, proved a turning point in the battle for American’s future.

Thomas W. Horton, American’s chairman and chief executive, had initially outlined a plan for the airline to come out of bankruptcy as an independent carrier, but was eventually forced to endorse the merger proposal once creditors supported it. Mr. Horton will remain as the chairman for a limited time.

Still, the merger has been criticized by consumer groups that fear that losing yet another carrier to a merger would lead to higher airfares and further reduce competition. Similar arguments were raised in August by the Department of Justice when it sued to block the deal.

But just two weeks before the trial was scheduled to begin, antitrust regulators struck a deal with the airline.

As a condition for dropping their objections, federal regulators requested that the airline sell some takeoff and landing rights at Reagan National Airport in Washington and New York’s La Guardia Airport as well as divest gates and ground assets at five other airports: Chicago O’Hare International, Los Angeles International, Boston Logan International, Dallas Love Field and Miami International.



Brazil High Court Puts Off Depositor Ruling Until Next Year

SAO PAULO â€" Brazil’s highest court announced on Wednesday that it would vote next year on a case that could cause several of the country’s largest banks to need a bailout.

Multiple class-action lawsuits could together cost the nation’s banks 149 billion reais, or $64.8 billion â€" more than a quarter of the banking system’s equity â€" according to the Central Bank of Brazil.

For some individual banks, the numbers would be much worse, with Caixa Econômica Federal, Brazil’s third largest bank, potentially owing more than twice its equity.

Hearings on the case began Wednesday, and the justices could have chosen to begin voting this week, but they decided that they would hear oral arguments, then suspend the case until the start of 2014.

Several of the lawsuits have been working their way through Brazil’s notoriously slow legal system for more than 20 years, but an end is now in sight.

In the late 1980s Brazil was fighting hyperinflation, and successive governments imposed multiple plans to try to break inflationary expectations. The plans included measures such as forbidding banks to index interest payments to inflation and freezing many savings accounts.

The plaintiffs claim that the government plans were unconstitutional and that the banks’ profited by them at the expense of savers, while the banks argue that they merely followed the law and did not make any unusual profits.

Fábio Braga, a partner with the Brazilian law firm Demarest Advogados, said it was hard to predict how the case would go.

“The precedents we have are from over 10 years ago, when the court’s composition was entirely different,” he said.

But Mr. Braga said Brazil’s constitution permitted the court to take into account the impact of its decisions on the economy, and that could help the banks’ position.

Brazil’s government clearly hopes so, as over the past week it has sent both the finance minister and the central bank president to meet privately with supreme court justices to explain the potential impact on the economy.

Mario Pierry, managing director of Latin America equity research for Deutsche Bank, said it was hard to know both who would win the case and if the government’s estimate of a 150 billion real price tag was accurate.

“Banks’ management teams don’t even want to say how much they have reserved, because they don’t want people to think they might lose this case,” he said.

David Beker, chief Brazil economist for Bank of America Merrill Lynch in São Paulo, said the figure could be much less, as the court could rule in favor of the plaintiffs in relation to some of the economic plans but not others.

“What we do know is that if the banks lose, the public ones are probably going to have to be recapitalized,” he said.

The government-controlled Banco do Brasil and Caixa Econômica Federal, the country’s largest and third largest banks, had the largest share of the controversial savings accounts.

If the banks require a bailout next year, it would come at an especially bad moment for the government, which faces both presidential elections in October 2014 and criticism from ratings agencies over its budget numbers.

“A ruling against the banks would mean that the risk of a ratings downgrade increases greatly,” Mr. Beker said.



Thanksgivukkah Reading: A Lending Boom for ‘the Devil Incarnate’

To the dismay of regulators, investors are increasingly embracing to higher credit risk for the potential of higher returns.

“Covenant-lite” loans are growing rapidly after almost disappearing during the 2008 credit crisis. This can be a salve for smaller companies already burdened with debt. And it can leave investors blind to financial trouble that would be reported in other loans.

Lynnley Browning reported that banks have ceded their role in leverage loans to private equity firms. Those shadow banking players use leveraged loans to bankroll mergers and refinance debt. Investors are given little insight into how the loans to private companies are structured.

“Borrowers with less than stellar credit have been able to borrow galactic amounts of debt at down-to-earth rates,” a panel from Carter Ledyward and Milburn said at a meeting of the Loan Syndications and Trading Association.

At the leveraged loan industry’s annual conference on Oct. 17, nearly one in four participants voted to label cov-lite loans “the devil incarnate.” A senior banker who sells leveraged loans said cov-lite loans were “more like purgatory, because you can watch your company degrade but not trip any covenants that allow you to call a default.” Some 61 percent, the largest group of participants, said they “don’t love them, but can live with them.”

A look back on our reporting of the past week’s highs and lows in finance.

WEDNESDAY, NOV. 27

HedTK | DealBook »

TUESDAY, NOV. 26

Once Suitor, Jos. A. Bank Is a Target | In a strategy that harks back to the Pac-Man defense, Men’s Wearhouse bid $55 a share in cash to acquire its one-time suitor. DealBook »

New Boom in Subprime Lending | Wall Street and private equity firms, hedge funds and other opaque financing pools have grown frustrated by low returns on other forms of debt and turned instead to riskier but more lucrative bets on ever-smaller companies. DealBook »

Analyst Seeks to Avoid Jail by Testifying in SAC Trial | The trial of Michael Steinberg has lost a bit of its tension because it comes after SAC’s guilty plea and the firm’s agreement to stop managing money for outside investors. DealBook »

Deal Professor: Risky Investment Vehicle With High Yields Gains Prominence | Business development companies are publicly traded and return big dividends, making them attractive to small investors. But they also come with high risk, writes Steven M. Davidoff. DealBook »

MONDAY, NOV. 25

Debate Over Activists’ Paying of Board Nominees | Companies say that it is not clear who the activist director is really working for â€" its shareholders or the hedge fund. DealBook »

DealBook Column: Render Unto Caesar, But Who Backs Bitcoin? | Bitcoin aspires to be a universal electronic currency. On that score, it is unlikely to succeed, writes Andrew Ross Sorkin. DealBook »

Chrysler’s Stock Sale Is Delayed Until 2014 | Its parent company, Fiat, will have more time to negotiate the purchase of a 41.5 percent stake held by a union health care trust. DealBook »

Lending Practices at R.B.S. Condemned in Two Reports | The British bank principally owned by the government said that it had hired a law firm to examine its lending practices. DealBook »

Client Conflicts Undermine Planned Merger of 2 Law Firms | Orrick, Herrington & Sutcliffe and Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman were in advanced merger talks that would have created one of the country’s 10 largest firms. DealBook »

SUNDAY, NOV. 24

In Bitcoin’s Orbit | There are dozens of digital alternatives, like PeerCoin, Litecoin and anoncoin, whose backers point to advantages they say their currency has over bitcoin. DealBook »

Once Cable’s King, Malone Aims to Regain His Crown | John Malone, Liberty Media’s chairman, is looking to shake up the cable industry, which has been losing pay-TV subscribers. DealBook »

WEEK IN VERSE

Devil Inside | INXS provides a theme song for the resurgence in subprime loans. DealBook »

Thanksgiving Song | Adam Sandler celebrates the holiday. DealBook »

Chanukah Song | Adam Sandler celebrates the other holiday. DealBook »



Analyst Seeks to Avoid Jail by Testifying in SAC Trial

The star witness in the federal government’s insider trading prosecution of Michael Steinberg, once a senior trader at SAC Capital Advisors, told a federal jury on Tuesday why he was cooperating with prosecutors and testifying at the trial.

“I hope to avoid jail time,” said the witness, Jon Horvath, who worked for five years as a technology stock analyst at SAC, where Mr. Steinberg was his boss. Mr. Horvath pleaded guilty to insider trading charges in September 2012 and agreed to help prosecutors in the investigation that led to Mr. Steinberg’s indictment this spring.

Mr. Steinberg’s trial comes on the heels of SAC Capital’s guilty plea on Nov. 8 to securities fraud charges and its agreement to pay $1.2 billion in fines and restitution to federal prosecutors, in addition to a penalty of more than $600 million the firm agreed to pay to the Securities and Exchange Commission this year. Judge Laura Taylor Swain of Federal District Court is reviewing the firm’s guilty plea and has deferred a decision on whether to accept it. The firm’s founder, Steven A. Cohen, has not been charged.

Mr. Horvath, who took the stand late in the day on Tuesday, did not get far into his testimony before court was adjourned for the day by Judge Richard Sullivan of Federal District Court. But prosecutors set the stage by going over his career background and getting Mr. Horvath to divulge some negative information about his childhood in Canada.

Mr. Horvath, who was born in Sweden but grew up in Canada, testified that he did not disclose on a visa application that as a teenager in Canada he was charged with stealing some prescription drugs from a pharmacy where he was working. He said the matter was expunged several years later and he did not think it needed to be disclosed on the visa application when he later came to the United States as a graduate student.

It’s not clear why prosecutors had Mr. Horvath testify about the prescription drug theft, but prosecutors often have cooperating witnesses voluntarily disclose any negative information about themselves to avoid giving the defense a chance to discredit the witness.

The Steinberg trial has lost a bit of its tension because it comes after SAC’s guilty plea and the firm’s agreement to stop managing money for outside investors. But the case remains an important one for prosecutors because Mr. Steinberg was one of the closest employees to Mr. Cohen to get caught up in the insider trading scandal.

In its indictment of SAC Capital in July, the government named seven people, including Mr. Steinberg and Mr. Horvath, who had either been charged or convicted of insider trading while working at the firm.

The 41-year-old Mr. Steinberg, who is technically on leave from his job at SAC, is charged with using insider information to make trades in shares of Dell in August 2008 and a few months later to make trades in shares of Nvidia Corporation. The authorities say that Mr. Horvath passed on the inside information to Mr. Steinberg.

Mr. Steinberg’s defense team is expected to argue that he did not know the information passed on by Mr. Horvath had been improperly obtained.

Mr. Horvath said his job at SAC Capital was to have a “deep fundamental understanding” of the technology companies he covered and to “make recommendations to Mike as to whether to invest in the stocks or not.”

Before Mr. Horvath took the stand, a compliance officer for SAC Capital, John Casey, testified about the training session the firm held for employees about what constituted insider training. The government introduced evidence showing that both Mr. Horvath and Mr. Steinberg attended those sessions.

Mr. Horvath’s testimony will continue Wednesday morning before the trial breaks for the Thanksgiving holiday. Mr. Horvath, who could face more than 40 years in jail, also faces potential deportation.



New Boom in Subprime Loans, for Smaller Businesses

A small, little-known company from Missouri borrows hundreds of millions of dollars from two of the biggest names in Wall Street finance. The loans are rated subprime. What’s more, they carry few of the standard protections seen in ordinary debt, making them particularly risky bets.

But investors clamor to buy pieces of the loans, one of which pays annual interest of at least 8.75 percent. Demand is so strong, some buyers have to settle for less than they wanted.

A scene from the years leading up to the financial crisis in 2008? No, last month.

The company involved was Learfield Communications, of Jefferson City, Mo., which owns multimedia rights to more than four dozen college sports programs and which made just under $40 million last year in a common measure of earnings. But its $330 million loan package from Deutsche Bank and GE Capital on Oct. 9 highlights how five years after a credit bubble burst, a new boom is taking shape.

Companies like Learfield are the belles of the ball this year. Wall Street and private equity firms, hedge funds and other opaque financing pools have grown frustrated by low returns on other forms of debt and turned instead to riskier but more lucrative bets on ever-smaller companies. The Learfield case is notable for the leverage involved â€" the company was able to borrow more than eight times its earnings â€" and that has raised eyebrows in some credit circles.

“Weaker credit is traveling down to smaller companies that ordinarily would not have this kind of leverage,” said Barbara M. Goodstein, a banking and finance lawyer at Mayer Brown in New York who is knowledgeable about the industry.

The loans to the privately held Learfield came in the form of what is known in Wall Street parlance as a leveraged loan, a lightly regulated stepsibling to junk bonds, another species of below-investment-grade debt. Such loans go to companies that often already have a lot of debt or are otherwise considered speculative bets.

Leveraged loans became popular before the 2008 collapse but nearly disappeared afterward, regarded as a symbol of unbridled lending. But they started to return in 2010 and are now back in force, with volumes of $548.4 billion this year through Nov. 14, already exceeding the precrisis level of $535.2 billion in 2007.

The type of leveraged loans that Learfield took out are known as covenant-lite, financial lingo for loans that lack the tripwires that could alert investors to any potential financial troubles at the company that could affect repayment. More than half of all leveraged loans issued this year have been the so-called cov-lite types, double the level seen in 2007 on the eve of the credit crash.

Dell said in September that it would use a $9.1 billion cov-lite loan to help finance the $24.9 billion buyout by its founder, Michael Dell, and the private equity firm Silver Lake.

Learfield, however, is only a small fraction of the size of Dell.

Matthew O’Shea, a credit analyst at Covenant Review, a research firm, noted that smaller companies historically had more volatile earnings. “The increasingly lackadaisical tolerance for cov-lite drifting further down into the middle market,” he said, “increases risk for lenders to the smaller, less resilient borrowers in that space.”

Regulators, finance lawyers and even the ratings agencies have also grown increasingly uneasy about the return to credit risk. In March, the Federal Reserve, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, in a note on the boom, said, “Prudent lending practices have deteriorated” and urged lenders to tighten their standards. The agecies cited cov-lite loans, in particular, as having “additional risk” and called the loans one of their “primary issues of concern.”

In May, Moody’s wrote that signs of a “covenant bubble” were emerging. (Christina Padgett, a senior vice president at Moody’s, said that assessment still stood.) When Learfield announced its loans, Standard & Poor’s noted that the company was among the first with less than $50 million in earnings to take such loans and said the loans signaled “increasingly aggressive” lending.

The lending boom underscores a sea change in financing practices since 2008. In the face of regulatory restrictions put in place since then, banks are ceding much of their precrisis role in bankrolling and owning leveraged loans. That role has been taken up by private equity firms and investment funds, which slice up the loans and then pool them for sale to other investors. Those shadow banking players, which are typically more aggressive than banks, now make up 60 percent of new cov-lite loans, according to the Loan Syndications and Trading Association, the trade group and lobby for the leveraged loan industry. “Most funding is from nonbank lenders,” said James Parchment, a senior director at Standard & Poor’s.

Companies use leveraged loans primarily to bankroll acquisitions of other companies, to enter into private equity deals or to refinance debt. Documents for loans to private companies are generally not publicly disclosed, giving investors little insight on how they are structured.

Learfield has let Providence Equity Partners, a private equity firm that bought the company, use the proceeds of the loan to pay Shamrock Capital Advisors, another private equity firm, for its stake in Learfield. Providence Equity said in September that it planned to buy Learfield for an undisclosed amount.

The $330 million package consists of a $215 million loan, an $85 million loan and a $30 million line of credit.

Providence Equity, Learfield, Deutsche Bank and GE Capital declined to comment on the deal or the loans.

Unlike leveraged loans with covenants, or protections, cov-lite loans contain few or no pledges by a company to keep its debt below certain levels or even to report quarterly financial results in a timely fashion. But investors like these loans because, unlike bonds, their payouts “float” in tandem with the global benchmark interest rate in London, thus protecting them against rises in interest rates set by the Federal Reserve. Cov-lite loans are secured by a company’s assets, and they give lenders priority over bondholders and stockholders if the company goes bankrupt. But that does not mean an investor will actually get paid if the company goes bankrupt.

“You are relying on the cash flows of the company, so if earnings go down, you don’t have the cash flow and may not see a dime,” said Ronald A. Kahn, a managing director at Lincoln International, an investment bank in Chicago that underwrites leveraged loans to smaller companies.

The loans have their advocates. Companies that issued cov-lite loans from 2005 to 2007, the height of the credit bubble, defaulted at a rate of 7.8 percent compared to a rate of 10.45 percent for companies that issued loans of all types, including those with tripwires, according to Moody’s. Loans that came due in 2009, a year after the financial crisis, fared well, as did other types of loans, because of the infusion of cash from the nation’s central bank.

“When you examine underlying factors, such as historical default and recovery data, you’ll find that covenant-lite loans actually may be a better bank loan investment than many loans containing covenants,” Kevin Egan, a senior portfolio manager at Invesco, a fund management company, wrote on the company’s investing blog in July.

But at the leveraged loan industry’s annual conference on Oct. 17, nearly one in four participants voted to label cov-lite loans “the devil incarnate.” A senior banker who sells leveraged loans said cov-lite loans were “more like purgatory, because you can watch your company degrade but not trip any covenants that allow you to call a default.” Some 61 percent, the largest group of participants, said they “don’t love them, but can live with them.”

James H. Gellert, the chief executive of Rapid Ratings, an independent ratings firm, said the danger was that smaller companies with cov-lite loans could find it tough to refinance those loans in coming years if interest rates rise, credit tightens and lenders seek to bankroll larger, more stable companies. “You risk a higher default cycle,” he said. “This is something to pay attention to.”