Total Pageviews

Pension Proposal Aims to Ease Burden on States and Cities

As states and cities wrestle with mounting pension woes, some even seeking refuge in bankruptcy, Washington has mostly stayed on the sidelines.

By law, the 50 states are sovereigns, so even though federal officials have regulated company pension plans for decades, they have had little interest in telling the states how to run theirs.

Now, one United States senator wants to change that. Orrin Hatch of Utah, the senior Republican on the Senate Finance Committee, has devised a way for states and cities to exit the pension business while still giving public workers the type of benefits they want. It involves a tax-law change that would enable governments to turn their pension plans over to life insurers.

Big players like MetLife and Prudential, to cite just two, might thus step into shoes now occupied by the likes of Calpers, California’s giant state pension system. Any such change would be voluntary, said Mr. Hatch, who plans to introduce enabling legislation on Tuesday. He and the Finance Committee’s Democratic chairman, Max Baucus of Montana, are committed to working on a tax overhaul package this year, and the public-pension change could be ne part of that.

“America cannot continue sleepwalking into the financial disaster that awaits us if we do not get the public-pension debt crisis under control,” Mr. Hatch said. “The problem is getting more serious every day.”

Working with insurers would not suddenly make trillions of dollars appear, but Mr. Hatch said it would make costs more predictable and protect both retirees and taxpayers. The proposal “does not include an explicit or implicit government guarantee,” he said.

Aides said emphatically that insurers did not come up with this idea and talk the senator into promoting it. Mr. Hatch has been concerned about public pensions for some time, having issued his own study of their problems early last year. His report stated, among other things, that state pensions were a valid issue for federal lawmakers because of the likelihood that Washington would be called upon to bail one out at some point. Specialists working for the finance committee’s Republicans devised the insurance arrangement after extensive discussions with public-pension stakeholders, particularly unions that represent public workers.

In those talks, a committee staff member said, union officials were adamant about holding onto their members’ defined-benefit pensions, the type where workers receive a stream of predetermined monthly payments from retirement to death. In corporate America, many companies have been discontinuing such pension plans, not wanting to bear the investment risk they pose, especially as the population ages. Companies often give their workers 401(k) plans as a replacement, passing the investment risk to them.

Police unions in particular â€" an important constituency for Republicans â€" said their workers would not accept anything like that.

That is what prompted finance committee staff members to think about insurance companies. They, too, provide lifelong income to their customers â€" they just don’t call it a pension; they call it an annuity. Annuities can be devised in any number of ways, including precisely duplicating the terms of a worker’s pension. Senator Hatch’s staff eventually decided that shifting the states’ pension business to insurers was the only way to continue providing the monthly checks that public retirees want without forcing local taxpayers to come up with more money every time the stock market plunges. Life insurers would bear the investment risk, shielding both retirees and taxpayers.

Life insurers can also lose money over soured investments. But the states, which regulate insurance, have guarantee programs to protect policyholders in such cases. No backstop like that exists for public pensions, which is why benefits for older retirees in places like Prichard, Ala., and Central Falls, R.I., have been cut sharply after their municipal pension funds ran out of money.

Perhaps more important, state insurance regulators provide a kind of oversight unknown in the world of public pensions. They require insurance companies to meet capital requirements, taking into account the riskiness of their investments. Insurers are also required to hold more assets than they estimate they will need, and if they burn through their surpluses, state regulators can close them down.

Public pensions, by contrast, have no capital requirements and can make themselves look stronger by taking on more risk.

If Senator Hatch’s proposal were to become law, a local government that opted for insurance would hold competitive bidding once a year. The winning carrier would give each worker a contract, guaranteeing a retirement-to-death annuity amount for a year’s worth of work. Public employees’ unions would no longer negotiate the size of their members’ pensions; instead, they would negotiate how much the local employer would pay the insurer upfront. The annuity contracts would be portable, meaning workers would take theirs with them when they changed jobs.

This way, a worker retiring at the end of a 40-year career would have 40 annuity contracts, each representing the retirement income earned from a year’s work. An aide to Senator Hatch said an administrative body would have to be created to combine the contracts and issue a single check so the retiree would not receive 40 of them every month. But it would be not be a federal entity. The measure does not expand federal powers or impair states’ rights.

The real change would be in the federal tax code. The money that local governments set aside in public pension funds now clearly receives preferential tax treatment; money that it might pay an insurer does not. If a city or a state tried it, the Internal Revenue Service could say the money constituted income for the workers and require them to pay taxes on it.

If the bill became law, it would give the same tax preference to insurance premiums.

Insurers and their trade associations have already sent letters telling Senator Hatch they support his goals and will work with him on the legislative proposal. So has the National Association of Insurance Commissioners and the trade association that represents the state guarantee systems. The biggest opposition is likely to come from public pension systems themselves. They now rely on contributions from workers to help close shortfalls and would lose some of that every time a local government shifted its business to the insurance industry. As envisioned by Senator Hatch, the annuity premiums would be paid solely by public employers; no employee contributions would be allowed.



Regulators Examining Sales of Early Financial Data

The financial industry is bracing for new scrutiny of services that give trading firms an advance look at market-moving data and news.

The New York attorney general’s office has been taking a broad look at the common practice. On Monday, one prominent data provider, Thomson Reuters, under pressure from the attorney general, announced that it was suspending an early release of a consumer confidence survey to clients who paid extra.

Financial products that give traders first access to data have become widely accepted within the industry. Dow Jones recently announced the creation of DJ Dominant, a program that will release news articles two minutes early to subscribers who pay more. The nation’s stock exchanges, meanwhile, are often releasing new premium products that offer faster delivery of public data from the exchanges.

For the most part, federal securities regulators have been comfortable with these arrangements. But the New York attorney general, Eric T. Schneiderman, is potentially in a position to throw them into question. The attorney general has broad powers to crack down on Wall Street because of the Martin Act, a 1921 New York law that allows him to bring fraud cases against a company without proving the company’s intent.

“Where are you going to go with this investigation?” said Chris Malo, the chief financial officer at the high-speed trading firm Sun Trading. “It’s a slippery slope. I don’t know where you draw the lines.”

The race to get information first has been a part of financial markets at least as far back as the carrier pigeons that delivered news of the Napoleonic Wars to London. More recently, news providers of all sorts give preferential access to articles to their own subscribers.

In the trading world, though, speed has taken on a particular importance over the last decade as an increasing proportion of traders in the financial markets have come to rely on a time advantage. Such superfast computer-programmed trading means that just two seconds â€" the advantage that Thomson Reuters was giving its clients for early access to the University of Michigan consumer confidence survey â€" can make all the difference in trading millions of dollars’ worth of stocks or bonds or other investments. High-frequency trading now accounts for more than half of all trading in American stocks.

“You’ve devolved to a footrace,” said Tim Quast, founder of Modern IR, which works with companies on their listings on stock exchanges.

While the attorney general’s inquiry has unnerved some on Wall Street, it is being cheered by others who have criticized the privileged delivery of data in the past.

“This is a much welcome change,” said Eric Hunsader, the founder of the market data provider Nanex. “Somebody needed to take this up.”

Sal Arnuk, a partner at Themis Trading, and a longtime critic of the high-speed innovations, said that the questions now being asked were long overdue.

Thomson Reuters, in its defense, pointed to how many other data companies provide their own subscribers with preferential access to information. A Thomson Reuters spokesman, Lemuel Brewster, said that its early release of the University of Michigan data was legal, but that it would stop giving the two-second advantage while Mr. Schneiderman was investigating the issue.

Mr. Brewster said that the “debate” about the timing of data release “is a universal industrywide debate that impacts all news and information companies and needs to be done in consultation with the market.”

The current push for speed is in part different than in the past because data companies have standardized the time advantage given to some companies.

One recent example is a service that the Nasdaq market and Chicago Mercantile Exchange introduced in May, which promises to get Nasdaq’s market data to customers in Chicago â€" and Chicago data to the East coast â€" 2 milliseconds faster than it is otherwise available thanks to the use of microwave transmission. The cost for the advantage is a reported $20,000 a month.

Some exchanges and several unregulated data companies have recently introduced similar microwave networks. So far, the Securities and Exchange Commission has not objected to these programs as long as they are fully disclosed to all customers. Last year the S.E.C. fined the New York Stock Exchange $5 million for releasing some data early. But those problems were described as irregular and not part of any standard product. The S.E.C. has also looked into other cases in which important data was accidentally released early.

The New York attorney general is throwing the issue open by looking at practices that have not been accidents, and that have previously won acceptance from regulators.

“It does open up a Pandora’s box,” Mr. Quast of Modern IR said.

In addition to the Thomson Reuters program, there are products like the Deutsche Börse’s AlphaFlash, which provides the results of the Chicago Business Barometer to subscribers three minutes earlier than the normal 8:45 a.m. release.

Mr. Hunsader, at Nanex, has documented how these early releases lead to a flurry of trading that moves stock indexes before the public has even had a glimpse of the numbers.

Mr. Schneiderman’s office could choose to restrict his investigation to the University of Michigan survey data thanks to some of the distinctive elements of that product. It involves data from a public institution, rather than the private companies that provide surveys like the Chicago Business Barometer. In addition, Thomson Reuters was not just providing the University of Michigan data five minutes early to its subscribers, it was providing it five minutes and two seconds early to a select group of about a dozen high-paying clients.

Even as Thomson Reuters is discontinuing that two-second advantage, it will continue delivering the Michigan data to all Thomson Reuters subscribers five minutes earlier than it goes to the public.

But Mr. Schneiderman’s office indicated on Monday that he was interested in the broader principle behind the early release of data, rather than the particular details of the University of Michigan product.

“The securities markets should be a level playing field for all investors and the early release of market-moving survey data undermines fair play in the markets,” Mr. Schneiderman said in a statement Monday.

The stock exchanges would be vulnerable to any investigation because of their increasing reliance on revenues from technology products that promise customers with faster access to information about orders on the exchanges. The most well-known programs allow trading firms to “co-locate” in the same building as the exchange’s servers, for a monthly fee. All firms inside the building are a standard length of cable away from the exchange servers, to ensure none of them have an advantage. But all of the firms inside the building are much closer than those not paying for the access.

Representatives for the exchanges declined to comment for this article. But in the past, exchange executives have said that they offered their products equally to anyone who pays, much like an airline offers equal access to first-class airline tickets.



Perelman Sues Old Friend Milken (Not to Worry. It Isn’t Personal.)

The billionaire deal maker Ronald O. Perelman loves to litigate, having tussled over the years with, among others, his former vice chairman, his onetime chief financial officer and the investment bank Morgan Stanley â€" not to mention his four former wives.

Now he has begun a legal battle against a man who helped put him on the map: Michael R. Milken.

One of Mr. Perelman’s companies, Harland Clarke Holdings, filed a little-noticed lawsuit last month accusing Mr. Milken of fraud. The case stems from Harland Clarke’s 2011 purchase of GlobalScholar, an education technology company backed by Mr. Milken, the fallen financier and philanthropist.

The lawsuit, filed in state court in San Antonio, was said to have surprised Mr. Milken, who had done business with Mr. Perelman for decades and counts him as a friend, according to a person briefed on the matter who is not authorized to discuss the lawsuit publicly.

For Mr. Perelman, people close to him said, the lawsuit is nothing personal against Mr. Milken â€" just business.

After Harland Clarke executives came to believe that Mr. Milken and other individuals deceived them during negotiations for the company, they decided to seek legal redress. Mr. Perelman was briefed and decided to let the action proceed, these people said.

A spokesman for Mr. Milken, Geoffrey Moore, characterized Harland Clarke’s complaint as a case of buyer’s remorse.

“If under the plaintiff’s subsequent management the purchased company failed to meet their expectations, those failings are certainly not the fault of the defendants,” Mr. Moore said.

The legal clash adds a colorful chapter to the story of the two men’s lucrative business relationship. Mr. Milken, 67, is the well-known 1980s-era junk bond salesman whose career ended in disgrace after he pleaded guilty to securities law violations and spent two years in prison. But before his legal troubles, Mr. Milken and his former firm, Drexel Burnham Lambert, provided financing for several of Mr. Perelman’s early deals, including his audacious 1985 buyout of the cosmetics giant Revlon.

Mr. Perelman was “dependent on Drexel for the multibillion-dollar deals he craved,” Connie Bruck wrote in her book “The Predators’ Ball,” an account of Mr. Milken and his band of takeover artists.

After Mr. Milken’s incarceration, he maintained a business relationship with Mr. Perelman.

In 1998, Mr. Milken agreed to pay $47 million to settle a Securities and Exchange Commission complaint that he violated a lifetime ban from the securities industry by advising on several transactions.

Today, the 70-year-old Mr. Perelman, who is said to be worth more than $12 billion, controls a sprawling business empire through his conglomerate MacAndrews & Forbes. His conflict with Mr. Milken centers on a major holding, Harland Clarke, the country’s largest check-printing company.

In January 2011, as part of Harland Clarke’s push into the education field as it sought to diversify away from the dying business of check printing, Harland Clarke acquired GlobalScholar. It paid $135 million for the company, which provides software for teachers to better assess students’ performance.

Yet the GlobalScholar acquisition soured quickly, according to the complaint, with the business’s performance falling far short of expectations.

“Much of the software was ‘vaporware,’ ” said the complaint. The lawsuit describes vaporware as “software that appears to be robust and fully functioning, but that is no more than a mirage intended to appear complete but not actually functional.”

In its complaint, Harland Clarke takes direct aim at Mr. Milken, who over the last several decades has become an influential player in the profit-making education field. He serves as the chairman of a group of education companies called Knowledge Universe. Among his holdings are KinderCare Learning Centers, a chain of day care centers. Knowledge Universe also had an investment in GlobalScholar, and in 2010 it began discussions to sell the business to Harland Clarke.

“Milken represented that his 30 years of experience in the education and technology field assure the success of Knowledge Universe and its related companies, specifically GlobalScholar,” the complaint said.

The lawsuit highlighted a meeting, just months before the deal was struck, that Mr. Milken attended with the chief executive and another senior official at Harland Clarke. During the negotiations, Harland Clarke said its officials were misled about GlobalScholar’s relationship with Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, an educational publishing company in which Mr. Milken also had an investment. Mr. Milken and others made false representations that Houghton Mifflin would play a crucial role in GlobalScholar’s growth, the complaint said.

In addition to Mr. Milken, Harland Clarke also named as defendants Knowledge Universe and Kal Raman, the founder and former chief executive of GlobalScholar, who left just eight months after the acquisition. Mr. Raman now serves as chief operating officer of the online coupon provider Groupon.

The lawsuit seeks $135 million in financial damages, as well as punitive damages and other costs.

Mr. Moore, the spokesman for Mr. Milken, noted that the transaction was a heavily negotiated deal with a 77-page purchase agreement. “This is a baseless action brought by a sophisticated buyer of technology represented by equally sophisticated counsel,” said Mr. Moore, alluding to Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom, which advised Harland Clarke on the deal. “They negotiated a comprehensive agreement and had abundant opportunity for extensive due diligence before they completed the purchase.”

Mr. Perelman has also recently been wrangling with federal regulators. Last month, MacAndrews & Forbes agreed to pay a $720,000 civil penalty to resolve accusations that the company violated reporting requirements related to acquiring shares in the Scientific Games Corporation. And a week before, Revlon, which he still controls, said it would pay $850,000 to settle claims that it deceived shareholders during an attempt to take the company private.



Perelman Sues Old Friend Milken (Not to Worry. It Isn’t Personal.)

The billionaire deal maker Ronald O. Perelman loves to litigate, having tussled over the years with, among others, his former vice chairman, his onetime chief financial officer and the investment bank Morgan Stanley â€" not to mention his four former wives.

Now he has begun a legal battle against a man who helped put him on the map: Michael R. Milken.

One of Mr. Perelman’s companies, Harland Clarke Holdings, filed a little-noticed lawsuit last month accusing Mr. Milken of fraud. The case stems from Harland Clarke’s 2011 purchase of GlobalScholar, an education technology company backed by Mr. Milken, the fallen financier and philanthropist.

The lawsuit, filed in state court in San Antonio, was said to have surprised Mr. Milken, who had done business with Mr. Perelman for decades and counts him as a friend, according to a person briefed on the matter who is not authorized to discuss the lawsuit publicly.

For Mr. Perelman, people close to him said, the lawsuit is nothing personal against Mr. Milken â€" just business.

After Harland Clarke executives came to believe that Mr. Milken and other individuals deceived them during negotiations for the company, they decided to seek legal redress. Mr. Perelman was briefed and decided to let the action proceed, these people said.

A spokesman for Mr. Milken, Geoffrey Moore, characterized Harland Clarke’s complaint as a case of buyer’s remorse.

“If under the plaintiff’s subsequent management the purchased company failed to meet their expectations, those failings are certainly not the fault of the defendants,” Mr. Moore said.

The legal clash adds a colorful chapter to the story of the two men’s lucrative business relationship. Mr. Milken, 67, is the well-known 1980s-era junk bond salesman whose career ended in disgrace after he pleaded guilty to securities law violations and spent two years in prison. But before his legal troubles, Mr. Milken and his former firm, Drexel Burnham Lambert, provided financing for several of Mr. Perelman’s early deals, including his audacious 1985 buyout of the cosmetics giant Revlon.

Mr. Perelman was “dependent on Drexel for the multibillion-dollar deals he craved,” Connie Bruck wrote in her book “The Predators’ Ball,” an account of Mr. Milken and his band of takeover artists.

After Mr. Milken’s incarceration, he maintained a business relationship with Mr. Perelman.

In 1998, Mr. Milken agreed to pay $47 million to settle a Securities and Exchange Commission complaint that he violated a lifetime ban from the securities industry by advising on several transactions.

Today, the 70-year-old Mr. Perelman, who is said to be worth more than $12 billion, controls a sprawling business empire through his conglomerate MacAndrews & Forbes. His conflict with Mr. Milken centers on a major holding, Harland Clarke, the country’s largest check-printing company.

In January 2011, as part of Harland Clarke’s push into the education field as it sought to diversify away from the dying business of check printing, Harland Clarke acquired GlobalScholar. It paid $135 million for the company, which provides software for teachers to better assess students’ performance.

Yet the GlobalScholar acquisition soured quickly, according to the complaint, with the business’s performance falling far short of expectations.

“Much of the software was ‘vaporware,’ ” said the complaint. The lawsuit describes vaporware as “software that appears to be robust and fully functioning, but that is no more than a mirage intended to appear complete but not actually functional.”

In its complaint, Harland Clarke takes direct aim at Mr. Milken, who over the last several decades has become an influential player in the profit-making education field. He serves as the chairman of a group of education companies called Knowledge Universe. Among his holdings are KinderCare Learning Centers, a chain of day care centers. Knowledge Universe also had an investment in GlobalScholar, and in 2010 it began discussions to sell the business to Harland Clarke.

“Milken represented that his 30 years of experience in the education and technology field assure the success of Knowledge Universe and its related companies, specifically GlobalScholar,” the complaint said.

The lawsuit highlighted a meeting, just months before the deal was struck, that Mr. Milken attended with the chief executive and another senior official at Harland Clarke. During the negotiations, Harland Clarke said its officials were misled about GlobalScholar’s relationship with Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, an educational publishing company in which Mr. Milken also had an investment. Mr. Milken and others made false representations that Houghton Mifflin would play a crucial role in GlobalScholar’s growth, the complaint said.

In addition to Mr. Milken, Harland Clarke also named as defendants Knowledge Universe and Kal Raman, the founder and former chief executive of GlobalScholar, who left just eight months after the acquisition. Mr. Raman now serves as chief operating officer of the online coupon provider Groupon.

The lawsuit seeks $135 million in financial damages, as well as punitive damages and other costs.

Mr. Moore, the spokesman for Mr. Milken, noted that the transaction was a heavily negotiated deal with a 77-page purchase agreement. “This is a baseless action brought by a sophisticated buyer of technology represented by equally sophisticated counsel,” said Mr. Moore, alluding to Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom, which advised Harland Clarke on the deal. “They negotiated a comprehensive agreement and had abundant opportunity for extensive due diligence before they completed the purchase.”

Mr. Perelman has also recently been wrangling with federal regulators. Last month, MacAndrews & Forbes agreed to pay a $720,000 civil penalty to resolve accusations that the company violated reporting requirements related to acquiring shares in the Scientific Games Corporation. And a week before, Revlon, which he still controls, said it would pay $850,000 to settle claims that it deceived shareholders during an attempt to take the company private.



Trader’s Day in Court May Lack Some Details

Next Monday, in a courtroom in downtown Manhattan, the Securities and Exchange Commission will begin what is likely to be its most prominent case stemming from the financial crisis: its case against Fabrice Tourre, a former Goldman Sachs trader who is accused of misleading clients by selling a mortgage securities investment that the government said was designed to fail.

Mr. Tourre, as you might remember, was a 28-year-old French banker who wrote this gem of an e-mail to his girlfriend in 2007, which was widely quoted several years ago: “The whole building is about to collapse anytime now,” he explained to her about the markets. “Only potential survivor, the fabulous Fab,” he continued, not so humbly referring to himself, “standing in the middle of all these complex, highly leveraged, exotic trades he created without necessarily understanding all of the implications.”

Goldman Sachs paid $550 million to settle the case in 2010 without admitting or denying guilt. Mr. Tourre, however, turned down an offer to settle. He wanted his day in court. And now that day has come. The trial is seen within the S.E.C. and on Wall Street as a referendum on Goldman Sachs and the government’s case, which was never argued in front of a jury.

But the jury may never hear the full account if the S.E.C. gets its way.

The heart of the S.E.C.’s case contends that Mr. Tourre and Goldman created a mortgage security known as Abacus with the help of the hedge fund run by the billionaire John A. Paulson. Mr. Paulson’s firm helped choose the assets in that security and then bet against it. The S.E.C. contends Mr. Tourre deliberately hid the intentions of the Paulson fund so that Goldman could more easily sell Abacus to investors who would unknowingly bet that its value would go up, including ACA Management, which both invested in Abacus and helped approve its components.

The entire case rests on whether Mr. Tourre deprived investors of information that the S.E.C. says they needed to make an informed investment decision.

And so it is a little awkward, in a case that hinges on appropriate disclosure, that the S.E.C., in a bevy of pretrial briefs, appears to be fighting vociferously to exclude troves of evidence from the trial that the defense says is material for the jury to make an informed decision about Mr. Toure’s innocence or guilt.

The S.E.C., for example, has sought to block any mention of news reports that Mr. Paulson was betting against the subprime mortgage market. The defense argues that the news reports are necessary to demonstrate that the institutional investors, who arguably read the news as part of their jobs, were not duped into thinking that Mr. Paulson planned the value of Abacus to rise, undercutting the S.E.C.’s contention that the investors were misled victims.

“News articles about Paulson’s purported macro investment strategy of shorting the subprime housing market are not relevant,” the S.E.C. wrote. “Such articles are irrelevant, prejudicial and confusing. With respect to most or all of them, there is no evidence that they were read by the employees of ACA Management.”

The S.E.C. has also tried to block references to public statements made by current and former regulators, including Ben S. Bernanke, Henry M. Paulson Jr. and Alan Greenspan, that suggested that the subprime lending problems were overblown. That would buttress the defense’s case that investors made the decision to invest in Abacus, and bet it would go up in value, based on their research and a prevailing view in the marketplace. “What government regulators believed aout the subprime housing market in 2007 has nothing to do with the facts of consequence to the determination of this action,” the government wrote the court.

What else might the jury miss?

One of the biggest issues is this: ACA, which the S.E.C. has portrayed as a victim of Mr. Tourre’s fraud, was not considered a victim when the government divided the $550 million Goldman Sachs settlement that had been set up to repay victims. The government excluded ACA completely from the list of investors that were paid from the Goldman settlement. The point is, How can ACA be a victim for the purpose of Mr. Tourre’s case, but not be for the purpose of the recompense? The S.E.C. says the victim list from the fund is irrelevant. Payments are “entirely discretionary and involve policy judgments that do not necessarily reflect any decision about whether a particular entity or institution was actually victimized as a result of a defendant’s fraud,” the S.E.C. said in a legal brief. (If the S.E.C. is being honest about how it determines who is a victim, it raises a hornet’s nest of policy questions that are worth investigating.)

Then there is the issue of who else has been charged in the case â€" or rather, has not been charged. The government has argued that Mr. Tourre is part of a “scheme” to defraud investors, but the government has not charged anyone else. The S.E.C. insists that jurors not be told that.

Next is Lucas Westreich and his honeymoon. Mr. Westreich, a former employee of ACA who appears on a recorded phone call that prosecutors say is central to their case, has told the court that he will be unavailable to testify in person because he will be on his honeymoon outside the country. The government seems perfectly fine with Mr. Westreich’s skipping out on the case, saying that he is expected to claim he does not remember the call.

The defense has suggested that it wants to cross-examine him about other tape recordings that it says may undermine the claims made on the original call. The government has consented to Mr. Westreich being deposed on videotape. The defense, which subpoenaed him in December 2012, wants him to appear live.

It is unclear whether he will appear, but the judge hinted: “Somebody just sitting there on this highly relevant call saying ‘I don’t recall a thing about it,’ even if it is 10 minutes, is potentially useful for the jury to see, because they can see whether or not this guy looks like a guy who just doesn’t recall or a guy who is squirming around and doesn’t recall. Sometimes people squirm.”

Finally, there is the S.E.C.’s star witness, Laura Schwartz, a former ACA employee who is expected to testify that she was duped by Mr. Tourre into thinking that Mr. Paulson’s firm was investing in Abacus side by side with her. For the last several months, there had been a fierce battle between the government and the defense over whether the jury should hear that the S.E.C. had issued a Wells notice to her on an unrelated matter, indicating that the government was considering bringing a case against her.

The defense had argued in pretrial briefs that jurors needed to know about the Wells notice to measure her motive to testify on behalf of the government. But just last week, the S.E.C. withdrew its Wells notice, effectively trying to take the issue off the table ahead of the trial. Late Tuesday, however, the defense submitted a brief to the court saying that it believed jurors needed to know about Ms. Schwartz.

“Even if one were to accept that there was no quid pro quo here (and the court should not), the bias materials remain relevant to and necessary to fair cross-examination, for example, as to whether Ms. Schwartz cited her cooperation with the S.E.C. in this case as a basis on which it should not bring charges against her,” the brief said.

We will see next week how much the jury ultimately finds out.



LVMH to Buy Control of Loro Piana for $2.6 Billion

A fringed scarf, $4,195. A knitted sweater, $28,995. A “St. Petersburg” coat, $46,500.

These are the prices that customers of Loro Piana are willing to pay for the Italian fabric company’s fine wares. On Monday, a buyer agreed to pay billions for the company itself.

LVMH Moët Hennessy Louis Vuitton, the French luxury goods giant, agreed on Monday to pay 2 billion euros, or about $2.6 billion, for an 80 percent stake in Loro Piana, adding a storied name to its portfolio of brands. The deal values the company, which is based in Quarona, Italy, at 2.7 billion euros.

Under the terms of the deal, Sergio and Pier Luigi Loro Piana, the co-chief executives who are great-great-grandchildren of the cloth merchant Giacomo Loro Piana, will continue to run the Italian company. The family will retain a 20 percent stake.

“LVMH has proved that it respects and nurtures family businesses and is most likely to respect the values and traditions of our Maison,” the brothers said in a statement.

The transaction is the latest sign that luxury brands remain attractive to deal makers amid a slow economy. While mass market retailers have suffered since the recession, the high end has been resilient, with wealthy customers willing to pay big for luxury products.

To its fans, Loro Piana is no ordinary luxury retailer. The company was officially founded in 1924, but it can trace its origins back to 1812, the date of a document in Giacomo Loro Piana’s name.

For generations, the family business produced fabrics, gaining renown for its cashmere and fine wool. But starting in the 1990s, after making the training jackets for the Italian equestrian team at the 1992 Olympic Games in Barcelona, it began making sweaters, shawls and other luxury garments.

Some of its most sumptuous items are made with fabric of the vicuna, a South American relative of the llama that Loro Piana says it helped save from extinction. Those products can sell for tens of thousands of dollars; sweaters from other fabrics are more modestly priced around $1,000.

Such brands are attractive takeover targets because of the “scarcity” they have cultivated, said David A. Schick, an analyst with Stifel Nicolaus.

“Companies that stand for something, where the luxury brand has been thoughtfully curated over time, where they haven’t overreached what the brand stands for, those are always very interesting,” Mr. Schick said. “They have built barriers to entry; they have built competitive advantages through their patience.”

With its goods available in more than 130 boutiques around the world, Loro Piana hopes to sell a particular way of life.

Sergio Loro Piana once described his company’s products this way: “These are not the needs of a Boston fireman, who wouldn’t wear a cashmere coat if you gave it to him, but needs that I have, that my customers have.”

The success of the acquisition will hinge on whether top luxury brands retain their appeal. Loro Piana is expected to generated sale of 700 million euros this year, LVMH said.

Bernard Arnault, the chairman of LVMH, said he was “very pleased” that the Loro Piana brothers agreed to the deal, which is subject to regulatory approval.

“Indeed we share the same values: family and craftsmanship allied to the tireless pursuit of quality,” Mr. Arnault said in a statement. “I am convinced that our group will prove a good home.”



LVMH to Buy Control of Loro Piana for $2.6 Billion

A fringed scarf, $4,195. A knitted sweater, $28,995. A “St. Petersburg” coat, $46,500.

These are the prices that customers of Loro Piana are willing to pay for the Italian fabric company’s fine wares. On Monday, a buyer agreed to pay billions for the company itself.

LVMH Moët Hennessy Louis Vuitton, the French luxury goods giant, agreed on Monday to pay 2 billion euros, or about $2.6 billion, for an 80 percent stake in Loro Piana, adding a storied name to its portfolio of brands. The deal values the company, which is based in Quarona, Italy, at 2.7 billion euros.

Under the terms of the deal, Sergio and Pier Luigi Loro Piana, the co-chief executives who are great-great-grandchildren of the cloth merchant Giacomo Loro Piana, will continue to run the Italian company. The family will retain a 20 percent stake.

“LVMH has proved that it respects and nurtures family businesses and is most likely to respect the values and traditions of our Maison,” the brothers said in a statement.

The transaction is the latest sign that luxury brands remain attractive to deal makers amid a slow economy. While mass market retailers have suffered since the recession, the high end has been resilient, with wealthy customers willing to pay big for luxury products.

To its fans, Loro Piana is no ordinary luxury retailer. The company was officially founded in 1924, but it can trace its origins back to 1812, the date of a document in Giacomo Loro Piana’s name.

For generations, the family business produced fabrics, gaining renown for its cashmere and fine wool. But starting in the 1990s, after making the training jackets for the Italian equestrian team at the 1992 Olympic Games in Barcelona, it began making sweaters, shawls and other luxury garments.

Some of its most sumptuous items are made with fabric of the vicuna, a South American relative of the llama that Loro Piana says it helped save from extinction. Those products can sell for tens of thousands of dollars; sweaters from other fabrics are more modestly priced around $1,000.

Such brands are attractive takeover targets because of the “scarcity” they have cultivated, said David A. Schick, an analyst with Stifel Nicolaus.

“Companies that stand for something, where the luxury brand has been thoughtfully curated over time, where they haven’t overreached what the brand stands for, those are always very interesting,” Mr. Schick said. “They have built barriers to entry; they have built competitive advantages through their patience.”

With its goods available in more than 130 boutiques around the world, Loro Piana hopes to sell a particular way of life.

Sergio Loro Piana once described his company’s products this way: “These are not the needs of a Boston fireman, who wouldn’t wear a cashmere coat if you gave it to him, but needs that I have, that my customers have.”

The success of the acquisition will hinge on whether top luxury brands retain their appeal. Loro Piana is expected to generated sale of 700 million euros this year, LVMH said.

Bernard Arnault, the chairman of LVMH, said he was “very pleased” that the Loro Piana brothers agreed to the deal, which is subject to regulatory approval.

“Indeed we share the same values: family and craftsmanship allied to the tireless pursuit of quality,” Mr. Arnault said in a statement. “I am convinced that our group will prove a good home.”



Madoff Case Puts Focus on Duties of Custodial Banks

Among the far-flung feeder funds, brokerage houses and institutions interconnected in the vast Ponzi scheme perpetuated by Bernard L. Madoff, one little-known local bank is now in the spotlight.

Westport National Bank and its parent company, Connecticut Community Bank, is the type of Main Street bank found in Anytown U.S.A., rather than near Wall Street. It has one main office and nine affiliated branches, all within a small radius stretching from Fairfield to Greenwich.

But to more than 200 individual investors, it was the bank that should have stood sentry over their money. A lawsuit brought by investors who lost a combined $60 million in the Madoff Ponzi scheme seeks to show that the bank failed at its job as the custodial bank in charge of their money.

Though it was one of many institutions entangled with Mr. Madoff and his firm, Bernard L. Madoff Investment Securities, the trial serves as a cautionary tale for any investor on the role and duties of custodial banks. The central question at the heart of the civil case is what obligation, if any, such banks have in determining whether the assets of investors exist at all.

A jury in Hartford finished hearing eight days of evidence last month in the case before Judge Vanessa L. Bryant of the United States District Court for the District of Connecticut. Closing arguments are expected to be heard on Thursday.

Richard Abramowitz, an investor who lost money at the hands of Mr. Madoff, testified that it had been his impression that Westport National would take possession of his assets and verify their existence. “That’s what a custodian is,” said Mr. Abramowitz, a lawyer in Weston, Fla.

The bank, however, said it had no obligation to catch the Madoff fraud and that its custodian contract limited its obligations to “ministerial” duties.

Lawyers for the bank are also hoping to rely on the fact that Mr. Madoff’s multibillion-dollar Ponzi scheme had been perpetuated for years right under the noses of regulators. In fact, the bank’s lawyers have suggested that it would have been difficult for such a small bank to have seen the red flags of the fraud, when the Washington regulators, including the Securities and Exchange Commission, could not.

During testimony, bank officials demurred on several questions posed by the plaintiffs’ lawyers about the ill-fated Madoff accounts. When asked about how the bank maintained accurate records, Richard T. Cummings Jr., the former bank president, simply replied: “I can’t answer that question.”

What due diligence did the bank do to be sure that customers’ assets existed, and were safe? “I don’t know,” said Mr. Cummings, a 36-year veteran of the banking business with a finance degree from Georgetown.

The bank has contended that Mr. Madoff fooled them, along with dozens of other institutions. When the plaintiffs were moving their Madoff accounts to Westport National in 1999, it was “a little bank, just getting started,” and had no ability to audit the Madoff accounts, Tracy A. Miner, a defense lawyer, said in her opening statement.

When the investors’ accounts were transferred to Westport, the bank did not confirm that there were assets in the accounts, and indeed, no assets existed, according to court documents.

Inside the bank’s one-man custodial department, plaintiffs contend that little was being done to determine whether trading information provided by Mr. Madoff’s firm was accurate.

Some of the most damning evidence may come from the testimony given by Dennis Clark, the bank’s former vice president and manager of custody services. Mr. Clark said that he would at times receive three or four “very thick envelopes” from Madoff stuffed with trade confirmations in a single week.

Mr. Clark, who testified in a video deposition before he died last year, said that he sometimes looked at those confirmations out of “curiosity” as to what Madoff might be buying or selling. Other than that, though, he did not review the documents and would simply “put them in a file cabinet.”

Mr. Clark said he did make an effort to look up stock prices listed on monthly statements for the Madoff accounts to verify how big the “pot” would be. (Fees for the bank were based on assets under management â€" real or imagined.)

But he added that he never verified prices on the puts and calls. Indeed, he did not even understand how those securities were priced, he said. He verified the stock prices because they were “names I recognized,” like United Technologies.

Customers who wanted to take money out of their accounts waited 8 to 10 days to get a check. The Madoff firm would send a check written to Westport National by regular mail, and the bank would then write checks to the investors. The bank had no electronic payment system with the firm, Mr. Clark testified.

The case being heard is a consolidation of three lawsuits with similar claims â€" a class-action suit and two group cases. Steve Gard, a Jacksonville, Fla., lawyer who represents two plaintiffs, said that the three lawsuits include investors from Connecticut, Florida, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, South Carolina and Texas.

The collection of plaintiffs from nine states had a common connection: they or their relatives were all introduced to Mr. Madoff through Robert L. Silverman, an actuary who ran a pension consulting firm from an office in Westport.

Some investors have said that they mistakenly thought that Mr. Silverman, whose independent company, PSCC Services Inc., received fees based on the net asset value of their Madoff accounts, actually worked for Westport National. Mr. Silverman filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in 2011, and filed Chapter 7 proceedings for his firm in 2009. He was not called to testify at the trial, and did not respond to telephone messages left at his Wilton, Conn., home.

During the trial, Mr. Silverman was occasionally referred to by lawyers and witnesses as a “financial adviser,” typically a term of art that describes a broker or adviser who is overseen by securities regulators.

Mr. Silverman, however, was not supervised by any regulatory authority. In fact, in e-mail correspondence with Mr. Cummings, Mr. Clark referred to the fact that having an “unregulated” person like Mr. Silverman as a middleman between the bank and the Madoff investors was beneficial.

“Having a third party between WNB and its customers does have certain advantages,” Mr. Clark wrote in an e-mail. “Many of the communications that PSCCSI has with customers do not need to meet the standards that may be implied for bank communications.” Mr. Clark told Mr. Cummings in the same e-mail that Mr. Silverman “has and still does hold a tight rein on what his customers may and may not know” about their accounts.

Indeed, Mr. Clark himself said in his video deposition that he had received instructions from Mr. Silverman not to “ever, ever, ever contact Madoff.”

On several occasions, as Mr. Clark discussed details of the sham Madoff investments that didn’t in fact exist, a juror in the back row simply shook her head.



Pondering a Drought in Merger Deals

Such is the optimism of the deal maker that, even with the downturn in activity in the first half of the year, some say a recovery in mergers and acquisitions is just around the corner.

But is that sunny outlook justified?

That is the uncomfortable question raised in a report from Ernst & Young released on Monday, which proposes that the deal-making slump may be more than just a passing phase. Amid persistent economic and political uncertainty, there may be a “fundamental reset” in deal volume, the report says.

“You can’t ignore it,” Richard M. Jeanneret, the Americas vice chairman of transaction advisory services at Ernst & Young, said in an interview. “If you look around the corner so many times and don’t find anything there, you have to say: Hey, maybe there’s not anything nearby. Maybe it’s several streets over.”

The ingredients for a recovery are in place, deal makers say, with companies sitting on large piles of cash, stock prices high and interest rates still relatively low. That has led many to predict that the lackluster period is nearing its end.

But this is now the sixth straight year of declining deal volumes, Ernst & Young says in the report. In the United States, the number of deals in the first half of the year decreased 3 percent from a year earlier, the report said.

Still, the value of United States deals in the first half rose 29 percent, helped by a few large transactions, according to the report. (Worldwide, the value of deals was down, according to Thomson Reuters.)

Those big deals aside, companies are likely to play it safe, with “laser-focused” or “tuck-in” deals, Mr. Jeanneret said.

In a survey of corporate executives this year, Ernst & Young found that 76 percent expected the overall volume of mergers and acquisitions to improve, but only 29 percent expected to do a deal in the next 12 months. That suggests a “you go first” mindset, Mr. Jeanneret said.

And yet, deal makers are finding reasons to hope. Joseph Cosentino, a partner in the mergers and acquisitions practice at the law firm Clifford Chance, said that he is sensing an increase in deal appetite.

“I see a lot more assets being looked at,” he said. “I see people, when they’re kicking the tires, going further with it.”

But such increased interest may be coming in spite of the bleak outlook.

“I don’t know if there’s less uncertainty,” Mr. Cosentino said, “but at least more comfort with the uncertainty that there is.”



Pondering a Drought in Merger Deals

Such is the optimism of the deal maker that, even with the downturn in activity in the first half of the year, some say a recovery in mergers and acquisitions is just around the corner.

But is that sunny outlook justified?

That is the uncomfortable question raised in a report from Ernst & Young released on Monday, which proposes that the deal-making slump may be more than just a passing phase. Amid persistent economic and political uncertainty, there may be a “fundamental reset” in deal volume, the report says.

“You can’t ignore it,” Richard M. Jeanneret, the Americas vice chairman of transaction advisory services at Ernst & Young, said in an interview. “If you look around the corner so many times and don’t find anything there, you have to say: Hey, maybe there’s not anything nearby. Maybe it’s several streets over.”

The ingredients for a recovery are in place, deal makers say, with companies sitting on large piles of cash, stock prices high and interest rates still relatively low. That has led many to predict that the lackluster period is nearing its end.

But this is now the sixth straight year of declining deal volumes, Ernst & Young says in the report. In the United States, the number of deals in the first half of the year decreased 3 percent from a year earlier, the report said.

Still, the value of United States deals in the first half rose 29 percent, helped by a few large transactions, according to the report. (Worldwide, the value of deals was down, according to Thomson Reuters.)

Those big deals aside, companies are likely to play it safe, with “laser-focused” or “tuck-in” deals, Mr. Jeanneret said.

In a survey of corporate executives this year, Ernst & Young found that 76 percent expected the overall volume of mergers and acquisitions to improve, but only 29 percent expected to do a deal in the next 12 months. That suggests a “you go first” mindset, Mr. Jeanneret said.

And yet, deal makers are finding reasons to hope. Joseph Cosentino, a partner in the mergers and acquisitions practice at the law firm Clifford Chance, said that he is sensing an increase in deal appetite.

“I see a lot more assets being looked at,” he said. “I see people, when they’re kicking the tires, going further with it.”

But such increased interest may be coming in spite of the bleak outlook.

“I don’t know if there’s less uncertainty,” Mr. Cosentino said, “but at least more comfort with the uncertainty that there is.”



Wall Street’s Disgraced Sheriff Seeks to Saddle Up Again

Wall Street’s former sheriff could be saddling up again.

Eliot Spitzer is the model for brash local crusaders against the financial powers that be. But the disgraced ex-New York governor’s scorched-earth style may not play in the New York City comptroller’s office, which he now hopes to lead. While Mr. Spitzer may have big plans, he must first re-establish trust and credibility.

Political redemption is in the American political air. Former South Carolina Governor Mark Sanford overcame a sex scandal to win a seat in the House of Representatives. And former Congressman Anthony Weiner is now running for mayor of New York. Mr. Spitzer may find his prostitute-canoodling while acting as governor harder to shake.

Mr. Spitzer blazed the path for the current New York state attorney general, Eric Schneiderman, and the state’s financial services regulator, Benjamin Lawsky. Yet as aggressive as those watchdogs have been, neither has matched Mr. Spitzer in propelling shivers up Wall Street spines. Following the 2001 Enron accounting scandal, his then-unprecedented use of New York’s broad anti-fraud Martin Act put federal regulators to shame and cost big banks billions in settlements.

It now sounds as if Mr. Spitzer wants to reprise his role in the comptroller’s office. He even told a public-radio audience that he might use the position to address issues like whether banks should split the roles of chairman and chief executive. JPMorgan Chase’s chief executive and chairman, Jamie Dimon, is no doubt all ears.

The comptroller, however, is essentially the city’s auditor, overseeing pension funds and spending. Mr. Spitzer’s skill at expanding the remit of any public office is unquestionable, but that’s not what either New York or the former governor needs at this point.

The comptroller’s office has had its share of tainted leadership in recent years and could probably use a steadier hand. Mr. Spitzer, meanwhile, ruined his reputation by spending thousands of dollars on prostitutes, misbehavior that one of his potential rivals for the comptroller job, former madam Kristin Davis, will surely highlight for voters.

If Mr. Spitzer does win the race, his first job should be regaining the public’s trust. That requires attending to the mundane matters of fiscal oversight rather than pursuing financial rogues. The headline-grabbing crusades could come later, but Wall Street shouldn’t be shaking in its boots just yet

Reynolds Holding is a columnist at Reuters Breakingviews. For more independent commentary and analysis, visit breakingviews.com.



Calendar Is Not Biggest Hurdle in SAC Prosecution

The hedge fund titan Steven A. Cohen and his firm, SAC Capital Advisors, have been under the microscope since prosecutors indicted two of the firm’s portfolio managers for transactions in 2008 and 2009. But with only a few weeks left until the five-year statute of limitations passes on bringing securities fraud charges for a number of those trades, there has been speculation about whether Mr. Cohen may be off the hook for a possible criminal prosecution.

Prosecutors would face any number of hurdles in bringing charges against Mr. Cohen, but the statute of limitations is not a particularly important one. There are ways for prosecutors to charge a violation based on the 2008 trading that would achieve nearly the same result as bringing the case now.

Neither Mr. Cohen nor SAC have not been accused of any crimes, and both maintain that they did not engage in any misconduct.

Prosecutors charged Mathew Martoma, a former SAC portfolio manager, last November with obtaining inside information about disappointing results from a drug trial that caused the shares of Elan and Wyeth to drop. Right before SAC sold its positions in those companies and then shorted the stocks, Mr. Martoma spoke with Mr. Cohen by phone for 20 minutes. The trading began on July 21, 2008, and took place over the next few days, helping SAC avoid losses and realize gains of approximately $276 million, according to the government.

The other case involves Michael Steinberg, a close associate of Mr. Cohen’s, who is accused of receiving inside information about negative earnings announcements by Dell and Nvidia from a SAC analyst. The Dell trading took place in late August 2008, while the Nvidia transactions were in early May 2009. The amounts involved were much smaller, totaling $1.4 million.

The federal statute of limitations provision states that “no person shall be prosecuted, tried, or punished for any offense, not capital, unless the indictment is found or the information is instituted within five years next after such offense shall have been committed.” An insider trading violation occurs when the securities trades were executed, so that is when the clock begins to tick for prosecutors to file charges â€" absent a waiver by a defendant.

One means by which prosecutors can avoid that five-year deadline, however, is to pursue a charge of conspiracy to commit wire fraud. Unlike securities fraud, which was included in the indictments filed against Mr. Martoma and Mr. Steinberg, the limitations period for a conspiracy does not start until the illegal agreement ends, which may be well beyond when any particular violation occurred. Crimes that occurred more than five years ago can be used to prove the existence of the conspiracy so long as they are part of an illicit agreement that included conduct within the limitations period.

In order to pursue a case against Mr. Cohen and SAC more than five years after the 2008 transactions, prosecutors would need to show the trades were part of an overarching conspiracy to trade on inside information that extended into more recent trading. That means the government would have to obtain evidence of trading at SAC that fit into the same pattern to prove a single agreement to commit securities fraud, like those by Mr. Steinberg in Nvidia in 2009.

DealBook reported that the Federal Bureau of Investigation is looking into more recent trading at SAC, which may signal an effort to build a conspiracy case. Conspiracy is a staple of insider trading cases; both Mr. Martoma and Mr. Steinberg charged with that offense.

Prosecutors might also be able to obtain nearly the same punishment for a conspiracy conviction involving insider trading as they could from proving securities fraud. A defendant’s profits from the conspiracy can be considered in setting the sentence regardless of whether the trading took place during the limitations period.

The general federal conspiracy statute caps the potential prison sentence at five years. But a separate conspiracy provision â€" added by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act in 2002 â€" allows for punishment up to the level authorized by the corresponding statute that the person conspired to violate when the crime involves fraud.

Among the offenses that can used as an insider trading charge is wire fraud, which can result in a prison sentence of up to 20 years. A conviction for conspiracy to commit wire fraud would allow for a punishment that would roughly correspond to what could be imposed by proving securities fraud based on the actual transactions.

Thus, the passing of the limitations period for the 2008 trades at SAC would not put the Justice Department in a significantly worse position in a future conspiracy prosecution or limit the sentencing of anyone convicted. The greater hurdle would be putting together evidence to show that Mr. Cohen was a member of a conspiracy that continued beyond the trading in 2008.

Conspiracies come in different forms, and one is called the hub-and-spoke conspiracy. This type of agreement involves a single person â€" the hub â€" who deals separately with different individuals engaging in misconduct â€" the spokes. The issue in this situation is whether there was a single conspiracy or a number of discrete individual agreements.

If prosecutors could not show a single overarching plan to engage in misconduct at SAC, then each agreement would have to be charged separately. If the Justice Department decides to pursue a conspiracy charge against Mr. Cohen and SAC that extends beyond the 2008 trading, it would need evidence that any illegal transactions were not just isolated opportunities but instead part of a broader plan.

At this point, evidence to establish that type of agreement appears to be lacking, even if insider trading charges can be proved against the SAC portfolio managers. The fact that Mr. Martoma spoke with Mr. Cohen before the Elan and Wyeth trades is suspicious but does not show an agreement. And Mr. Cohen’s close relationship with Mr. Steinberg would not be sufficient in itself to prove they were part of an illicit arrangement.

Conspiracy is a powerful tool that lets prosecutors pull together disparate events, including those that fall outside the statute of limitations, to show they were manifestations of a larger criminal enterprise. Courts are willing to allow for broad use of the charge because, as the Supreme Court once noted, “collective criminal agreement â€" partnership in crime â€" presents a greater potential threat to the public than individual delicts.”

Even with a favorable interpretation of the crime, however, proving a conspiracy is difficult when the government does not have a cooperating witness to testify about the nature of the agreement and the involvement of others in the criminal enterprise. That appears to be lacking at this point as both Mr. Martoma and Mr. Steinberg continue to fight the government’s insider trading charges.

The passing of the statute of limitations on the 2008 trades at SAC is unlikely to cause prosecutors too much consternation. But getting the information that could show a continuing conspiracy to trade on inside information will be crucial if prosecutors hope to pursue a case against Mr. Cohen at some point.



Calendar Is Not Biggest Hurdle in SAC Prosecution

The hedge fund titan Steven A. Cohen and his firm, SAC Capital Advisors, have been under the microscope since prosecutors indicted two of the firm’s portfolio managers for transactions in 2008 and 2009. But with only a few weeks left until the five-year statute of limitations passes on bringing securities fraud charges for a number of those trades, there has been speculation about whether Mr. Cohen may be off the hook for a possible criminal prosecution.

Prosecutors would face any number of hurdles in bringing charges against Mr. Cohen, but the statute of limitations is not a particularly important one. There are ways for prosecutors to charge a violation based on the 2008 trading that would achieve nearly the same result as bringing the case now.

Neither Mr. Cohen nor SAC have not been accused of any crimes, and both maintain that they did not engage in any misconduct.

Prosecutors charged Mathew Martoma, a former SAC portfolio manager, last November with obtaining inside information about disappointing results from a drug trial that caused the shares of Elan and Wyeth to drop. Right before SAC sold its positions in those companies and then shorted the stocks, Mr. Martoma spoke with Mr. Cohen by phone for 20 minutes. The trading began on July 21, 2008, and took place over the next few days, helping SAC avoid losses and realize gains of approximately $276 million, according to the government.

The other case involves Michael Steinberg, a close associate of Mr. Cohen’s, who is accused of receiving inside information about negative earnings announcements by Dell and Nvidia from a SAC analyst. The Dell trading took place in late August 2008, while the Nvidia transactions were in early May 2009. The amounts involved were much smaller, totaling $1.4 million.

The federal statute of limitations provision states that “no person shall be prosecuted, tried, or punished for any offense, not capital, unless the indictment is found or the information is instituted within five years next after such offense shall have been committed.” An insider trading violation occurs when the securities trades were executed, so that is when the clock begins to tick for prosecutors to file charges â€" absent a waiver by a defendant.

One means by which prosecutors can avoid that five-year deadline, however, is to pursue a charge of conspiracy to commit wire fraud. Unlike securities fraud, which was included in the indictments filed against Mr. Martoma and Mr. Steinberg, the limitations period for a conspiracy does not start until the illegal agreement ends, which may be well beyond when any particular violation occurred. Crimes that occurred more than five years ago can be used to prove the existence of the conspiracy so long as they are part of an illicit agreement that included conduct within the limitations period.

In order to pursue a case against Mr. Cohen and SAC more than five years after the 2008 transactions, prosecutors would need to show the trades were part of an overarching conspiracy to trade on inside information that extended into more recent trading. That means the government would have to obtain evidence of trading at SAC that fit into the same pattern to prove a single agreement to commit securities fraud, like those by Mr. Steinberg in Nvidia in 2009.

DealBook reported that the Federal Bureau of Investigation is looking into more recent trading at SAC, which may signal an effort to build a conspiracy case. Conspiracy is a staple of insider trading cases; both Mr. Martoma and Mr. Steinberg charged with that offense.

Prosecutors might also be able to obtain nearly the same punishment for a conspiracy conviction involving insider trading as they could from proving securities fraud. A defendant’s profits from the conspiracy can be considered in setting the sentence regardless of whether the trading took place during the limitations period.

The general federal conspiracy statute caps the potential prison sentence at five years. But a separate conspiracy provision â€" added by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act in 2002 â€" allows for punishment up to the level authorized by the corresponding statute that the person conspired to violate when the crime involves fraud.

Among the offenses that can used as an insider trading charge is wire fraud, which can result in a prison sentence of up to 20 years. A conviction for conspiracy to commit wire fraud would allow for a punishment that would roughly correspond to what could be imposed by proving securities fraud based on the actual transactions.

Thus, the passing of the limitations period for the 2008 trades at SAC would not put the Justice Department in a significantly worse position in a future conspiracy prosecution or limit the sentencing of anyone convicted. The greater hurdle would be putting together evidence to show that Mr. Cohen was a member of a conspiracy that continued beyond the trading in 2008.

Conspiracies come in different forms, and one is called the hub-and-spoke conspiracy. This type of agreement involves a single person â€" the hub â€" who deals separately with different individuals engaging in misconduct â€" the spokes. The issue in this situation is whether there was a single conspiracy or a number of discrete individual agreements.

If prosecutors could not show a single overarching plan to engage in misconduct at SAC, then each agreement would have to be charged separately. If the Justice Department decides to pursue a conspiracy charge against Mr. Cohen and SAC that extends beyond the 2008 trading, it would need evidence that any illegal transactions were not just isolated opportunities but instead part of a broader plan.

At this point, evidence to establish that type of agreement appears to be lacking, even if insider trading charges can be proved against the SAC portfolio managers. The fact that Mr. Martoma spoke with Mr. Cohen before the Elan and Wyeth trades is suspicious but does not show an agreement. And Mr. Cohen’s close relationship with Mr. Steinberg would not be sufficient in itself to prove they were part of an illicit arrangement.

Conspiracy is a powerful tool that lets prosecutors pull together disparate events, including those that fall outside the statute of limitations, to show they were manifestations of a larger criminal enterprise. Courts are willing to allow for broad use of the charge because, as the Supreme Court once noted, “collective criminal agreement â€" partnership in crime â€" presents a greater potential threat to the public than individual delicts.”

Even with a favorable interpretation of the crime, however, proving a conspiracy is difficult when the government does not have a cooperating witness to testify about the nature of the agreement and the involvement of others in the criminal enterprise. That appears to be lacking at this point as both Mr. Martoma and Mr. Steinberg continue to fight the government’s insider trading charges.

The passing of the statute of limitations on the 2008 trades at SAC is unlikely to cause prosecutors too much consternation. But getting the information that could show a continuing conspiracy to trade on inside information will be crucial if prosecutors hope to pursue a case against Mr. Cohen at some point.



Buffett Gives $2 Billion to Gates Foundation

Warren E. Buffett has strengthened his bond with his friend and fellow billionaire Bill Gates, with a $2 billion charitable donation.

Mr. Buffett on Monday distributed 17.5 million Class B shares of Berkshire Hathaway to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, a gift valued at about $2 billion based on Friday’s closing price.

The donation was part of Mr. Buffett’s annual charitable contributions, which also included gifts to the Susan Thompson Buffett Foundation, the charity named for Mr. Buffett’s late wife, and the Howard G. Buffett Foundation, which is named for Mr. Buffett’s son. In total, Mr. Buffett donated 22.9 million Class B shares of Berkshire on Monday.

Seven years ago, Mr. Buffett pledged to give about $31 billion to the Gates Foundation, which aims to improve health and education in poor nations. He said at the time that he would give the bulk of his fortune to the foundation and four other philanthropies.

Mr. Buffett’s net worth is estimated by Forbes to be $53.5 billion as of March, making him one of the richest men in the world.

The billionaire has been active in deal-making recently, even amid a somewhat lackluster period for mergers and acquisitions. Mr. Buffett teamed up with 3G Capital in February in a $23 billion deal for Heinz and said in his annual investor letter that he continued to hunt for “elephants.”

Mr. Buffett and Mr. Gates have recently been convincing other wealthy Americans to give away much of their fortunes, through a commitment known as the Giving Pledge. The effort has attracted many prominent adherents.



Britain Endorses New Rules to Jail Bankers Over ‘Reckless Misconduct’

LONDON - The British government on Monday backed a set of recommendations to improve standards in the banking industry, including measures that could have bankers in Britain facing jail time for poor business decisions.

George Osborne, the chancellor of the Exchequer, said that the government would adopt the wide-ranging proposals presented last month by a parliamentary commission on banking standards. Mr. Osborne had asked the commission to come up with ways to improve the banking system and make banking executives more accountable for their actions following the financial crisis and a handful of recent banking scandals.

“The government is determined to raise standards across the banking industry to create a stronger and safer banking system,” Mr. Osborne said in a statement. “Cultural reform in the banking sector marks the next step in the government’s plan to move the whole sector from rescue to recovery,” he said.

The steps are part of the government’s wider efforts to restore trust in the banking sector as a way to support a recovery of the British economy. Mr. Osborne said that the hoped a more stable banking system would increase lending to businesses, spur growth and create more jobs. A string of trading scandals and continued high pay for some of Britain’s bankers have led to widespread public anger and prompted the government to look into tightening rules on conduct and pay.

“If we’re to get our economy back on track, we need to get the banking system back on track first,” Vince Cable, the secretary of state for business, said in a statement.

The government plans to make a criminal offense “reckless misconduct for senior bankers.” Those found guilty could face a jail sentence.

The step would be “a helpful deterrent” against senior executives risking giant losses at banks that would result in a government bailout and cost the taxpayer billions of dollars, officials say. British lawmakers said the new legislation is aimed at making financiers more cautious when deciding on the bank’s strategy and investments.

“It is important to ensure that those who run banks are fully accountable for their actions,” the government said in its response to the commission’s recommendations. The financial crisis highlighted a lack of effective means to hold individuals to account for bad decisions, the government said.

Public anger in Britain has focused on Frederick A. Goodwin, who managed Royal Bank of Scotland when it went on an ill-advised acquisition spree. He left the bank with a large retirement package as the government had to rescue the bank and the banking system from the brink of collapse.

Mr. Osborne also pledged to work with the financial regulators to allow bonuses to be deferred for as many as ten years and for entire bonuses to be clawed back at banks that required government aid. Many British banks already started to change the way they pay staff by increasing the portion of the bonus paid in stock rather than cash and deferring some of that payment for several years. In addition, the European Union announced plans to cap bankers’ bonuses beginning with 2014 payouts.

In a speech last month, Mr. Osborne already followed one recommendation of the banking commission. He requested a review into whether to split Royal Bank of Scotland, which continues to be majority-owned by the government after the 2008 bailout. The government has said that it would decide whether to separate R.B.S.’s bad loans from the rest of the group by autumn.



Britain Endorses New Rules to Jail Bankers Over ‘Reckless Misconduct’

LONDON - The British government on Monday backed a set of recommendations to improve standards in the banking industry, including measures that could have bankers in Britain facing jail time for poor business decisions.

George Osborne, the chancellor of the Exchequer, said that the government would adopt the wide-ranging proposals presented last month by a parliamentary commission on banking standards. Mr. Osborne had asked the commission to come up with ways to improve the banking system and make banking executives more accountable for their actions following the financial crisis and a handful of recent banking scandals.

“The government is determined to raise standards across the banking industry to create a stronger and safer banking system,” Mr. Osborne said in a statement. “Cultural reform in the banking sector marks the next step in the government’s plan to move the whole sector from rescue to recovery,” he said.

The steps are part of the government’s wider efforts to restore trust in the banking sector as a way to support a recovery of the British economy. Mr. Osborne said that the hoped a more stable banking system would increase lending to businesses, spur growth and create more jobs. A string of trading scandals and continued high pay for some of Britain’s bankers have led to widespread public anger and prompted the government to look into tightening rules on conduct and pay.

“If we’re to get our economy back on track, we need to get the banking system back on track first,” Vince Cable, the secretary of state for business, said in a statement.

The government plans to make a criminal offense “reckless misconduct for senior bankers.” Those found guilty could face a jail sentence.

The step would be “a helpful deterrent” against senior executives risking giant losses at banks that would result in a government bailout and cost the taxpayer billions of dollars, officials say. British lawmakers said the new legislation is aimed at making financiers more cautious when deciding on the bank’s strategy and investments.

“It is important to ensure that those who run banks are fully accountable for their actions,” the government said in its response to the commission’s recommendations. The financial crisis highlighted a lack of effective means to hold individuals to account for bad decisions, the government said.

Public anger in Britain has focused on Frederick A. Goodwin, who managed Royal Bank of Scotland when it went on an ill-advised acquisition spree. He left the bank with a large retirement package as the government had to rescue the bank and the banking system from the brink of collapse.

Mr. Osborne also pledged to work with the financial regulators to allow bonuses to be deferred for as many as ten years and for entire bonuses to be clawed back at banks that required government aid. Many British banks already started to change the way they pay staff by increasing the portion of the bonus paid in stock rather than cash and deferring some of that payment for several years. In addition, the European Union announced plans to cap bankers’ bonuses beginning with 2014 payouts.

In a speech last month, Mr. Osborne already followed one recommendation of the banking commission. He requested a review into whether to split Royal Bank of Scotland, which continues to be majority-owned by the government after the 2008 bailout. The government has said that it would decide whether to separate R.B.S.’s bad loans from the rest of the group by autumn.



Citigroup Adds Two New Directors

Citigroup has expanded its board, announcing the additions of two new directors.

The bank, which has been aggressively working to slash costs and work through a morass of soured assets, added Gary Reiner, the former chief information officer for General Electric, and James Turley, the former chairman and chief executive of the accounting firm Ernst & Young, to its 11-member board. The new members will increase the size of the board to 13 directors.

Michael O’Neill, the bank’s powerful chairman who led the ouster of Vikram Pandit last year, had hinted at the board revamp during a panel discussion last month. At the time, he said that the bank was considering increasing the number of board members.

The two new directors will contribute “considerable insight to the board as Citi continues to leverage its unmatched global strengths,” Mr. O’Neill said in a statement on Monday.

The moves are the first substantive changes to the board’s composition under the leadership of Michael Corbat, who took over as chief executive after the abrupt exit of Mr. Pandit in October.

Since taking over the reins, Mr. Corbat has promised to continue repositioning the bank to focus on its core businesses while shedding less profitable business units. That cost-cutting began under Mr. Pandit, who helped steer the bank through one of its most tumultuous chapters in its history when a flailing Citi received a $45 billion federal lifeline.

The additions on Monday are also playing out amid renewed attention from shareholders on corporate governance as investors zero in on how the dynamics of the board room impact broader bank performance. The issue was thrust into the spotlight earlier this year during a closely watched vote at JPMorgan Chase over whether to separate the jobs of chairman and chief executiveâ€" rules that Jamie Dimon, the bank’s influential chief executive has held since 2006.

The composition of Citi’s board shifted in April, when Lawrence Ricciardi, who had top jobs at I.B.M. and RJR Nabisco, retired as a director after reaching 72-years-old. Mr. Turley, who led Ernst & Young from 2001 until last week, will bolster the board’s auditing and operations insight, Mr. O’Neill said in the statement.

“Mr. Turley’s extensive background at Ernst & Young and his leadership in the field of auditing make him an excellent addition to the Board and specifically to our Audit Committee,” Mr. O’Neill said.

Mr. Reiner, who is also on the board of Hewlett-Packard, will “lend his expertise to key priorities across the company including increasing productivity and helping to oversee important initiatives in our Operations and Technology functions,” Mr. O’Neill said.



A Vote of Confidence for Dell Buyout

The influential proxy advisory firm Institutional Shareholder Services recommended on Monday that Dell Inc. investors accept Michael S. Dell’s $24.4 billion leveraged buyout offer. The recommendation is something of a surprise. Advisers to both the buyers and to a special committee of Dell’s board had expected the report would likely be unfavorable to the deal, DealBook writes.

But I.S.S. cited “the 25.5 percent premium to the unaffected share price, the certainty of value provided by the all-cash consideration, and the fact that the transaction would transfer to the buyout group the risk of the deteriorating PC business and the company’s ongoing business transformation.” Mr. Dell and the private equity firm Silver Lake have offered $13.65 a share.

MANY PATHS FOR A CASE AGAINST SAC  |  The government has a range of possible avenues as it pursues a long-running investigation into possible insider trading by Steven A. Cohen and his hedge fund, SAC Capital Advisors, DealBook’s Peter Lattman and Ben Protess report.

The strategy has shifted. After Mathew Martoma, a former SAC employee, persistently rebuffed the government’s efforts to secure his cooperation, authorities concluded that they lacked sufficient evidence to file a criminal case against Mr. Cohen related to suspicious trading in two drug stocks before a legal deadline expires in mid-July, according to people with direct knowledge of the investigation. But Mr. Cohen and SAC are hardly out of the woods, as criminal and civil authorities continue to weigh several possibilities.

“For one, federal prosecutors are considering criminal charges against SAC related to the drug-stock trades and other activity, the people with direct knowledge of the inquiry said. The Securities and Exchange Commission is contemplating a civil lawsuit against Mr. Cohen. And the Federal Bureau of Investigation â€" which has agents in New York, Connecticut and Boston scrutinizing SAC â€" continues to examine more recent trading at the fund,” Mr. Lattman and Mr. Protess write. “The authorities, for example, have looked at SAC trading in the shares of Gymboree, the children’s clothing store, the people said.”

THOMSON REUTERS TO SUSPEND EARLY PEEKS AT A KEY INDEX  |  Thomson Reuters, which for several years has provided an exclusive group of investors the results of a closely watched economic survey a full two seconds before its broader release, is expected to announce on Monday that it will suspend the practice, yielding to pressure from the New York attorney general, Mr. Lattman reports.

Eric T. Schneiderman, the attorney general, and his staff have been looking into the unusual arrangement that Thomson Reuters has with the University of Michigan, which releases the often market-moving economic survey known as the consumer confidence index. Thomson Reuters pays for the right to distribute that data early to its money management customers, offering clients of its news service the opportunity to receive the information at 9:55 a.m. But an elite group of about a dozen clients pays an additional fee to receive it at 9:54:58.

Mr. Schneiderman’s investigation began in April after a former Thomson Reuters employee filed a whistle-blower complaint, according to a person briefed on the inquiry, Mr. Lattman reports. Legal experts have said the tiered pricing arrangement Thomson Reuters has with its customers does not violate federal insider trading laws. But Mr. Schneiderman’s office is exploring whether the advanced look at the consumer data is a violation of the Martin Act, a state securities-fraud law that gives the attorney general broad powers to pursue either criminal or civil actions against companies. A spokesman for Thomson Reuters defended the practice and said the company was fully cooperating with the attorney general’s review.

The investigation of Thomson Reuters evokes the investor-protection campaign waged a decade ago by a former attorney general, Eliot Spitzer, who told The New York Times on Sunday that he planned to re-enter political life with a run for the citywide office of comptroller. Mr. Spitzer, who resigned as governor of New York five years ago amid a prostitution scandal, said he yearned to resurrect the kind of aggressive role he played as attorney general.

ON THE AGENDA  |  Alcoa reports earnings after the market closes. T. Boone Pickens is on CNBC at 2 p.m. Gordon Nixon, chief executive of the Royal Bank of Canada, is on CNBC at 4:30 p.m.

AUTOMATED CARS ATTRACT $400 MILLION  |  “For a handful of investors, the future of mostly automated cars looks increasingly attractive,” DealBook’s Michael J. de la Merced writes. “Mobileye, a provider of driver-assistance technology systems, said on Sunday that it had raised $400 million in financing, valuing the company at about $1.5 billion. The money, raised in an oversubscribed financing round, is coming from five new investors, according to a person briefed on the matter: the money management firms BlackRock, Fidelity Management and Wellington Management; a Chinese investment firm, Sailing Capital; and Enterprise Rent-A-Car, the privately held rental car company.” The financing comes ahead of what Ziv Aviram, a co-founder and the company’s chief executive, said was an expected initial public offering in perhaps a ear and a half.

Mergers & Acquisitions »

TV Station Deals Are Back  |  “After years of small-bore shifting and tweaking by media companies in an effort to stay in front of consumers, big deals are back on the table,” David Carr writes in The New York Times. “Using relatively cheap capital, companies in dire need of diversification away from wounded businesses like print are going shopping.” NEW YORK TIMES

With Campaign Ad Cash, Swing-State TV Stations Attract Buyers  |  “The increasingly expensive elections that play out across the country every two years are making stations look like a smart investment,” Brian Stelter writes in The New York Times. NEW YORK TIMES

In Japan, Mergers Fall to Nine-Year Low  |  Volatility in the yen in the first half of the year put a damper on deal-making, according to Bloomberg News. BLOOMBERG NEWS

Shaking Up Corporate Board Elections  |  The Shareholder Rights Project, a program operating at the Harvard Law School, has succeeded in convincing dozens of companies to replace staggered board elections with annual ones, Gretchen Morgenson writes in The New York Times. NEW YORK TIMES

William Heinecke, an Early Entrepreneur in Asia, Is Still Finding SuccessWilliam Heinecke, an Early Entrepreneur in Asia, Is Still Finding Success  |  The billionaire William Heinecke has expanded from Thailand into the Middle East, Africa, Australia and emerging markets across Asia. DealBook »

In France, Firms Cut Back on Investments  | 
WALL STREET JOURNAL

INVESTMENT BANKING »

What Bankers Can Learn From a Tennis Champion  |  The victory by Andy Murray at Wimbledon on Sunday offers lessons for the financial sector, Christopher Hughes of Reuters Breakingviews writes. Mr. Murray “had seemed distant and aloof. But recently he changed his manner. He cried publicly after losing Wimbledon in 2012. This year, he humbly acknowledged he might never win the championship. After all that, people got behind him and wanted him to win. And he did.” REUTERS BREAKINGVIEWS

Bank of America Merrill Lynch Hires Executive in Asia  |  Winston Cheng was hired as the head of telecommunications, media and technology investment banking in Asia by Bank of America Merrill Lynch, The Wall Street Journal reports. He was previously at Goldman Sachs. WALL STREET JOURNAL

Meredith Whitney’s Research Firm Faces Challenges  | 
WALL STREET JOURNAL

How Regulators Can Restore Trust in Bank Capital  |  From the outside, it can be difficult to see where justified diversity of risk ends and where fiddling begins, George Hay of Reuters Breakingviews writes. REUTERS BREAKINGVIEWS

East Hampton Plans to Sell $3.3 Million of Bonds  |  The bond sale would be the first for the Long Island town since 2008, Bloomberg News reports. BLOOMBERG NEWS

PRIVATE EQUITY »

After Buying Homes, Blackstone Plans to Offer Loans  |  The Blackstone Group, which has bought thousands of distressed homes to rent them out, is preparing a new service to offer loans to other landlords, Bloomberg News reports, citing four unidentified people who reviewed the terms. BLOOMBERG NEWS

TPG Said to Be Near Deal for Envision Pharmaceutical  |  The private equity firm TPG Capital is said to be close to an agreement to buy the pharmacy benefits manager Envision Pharmaceutical Holdings, Bloomberg News reports. BLOOMBERG NEWS

HEDGE FUNDS »

Investors Sue U.S. Over Rescue of Fannie and Freddie  |  An investor group led by the hedge fund Perry Capital sued the Treasury Department in a challenge to changes of the bailout terms of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, Reuters reports. REUTERS

A Challenge for Hedge Funds: Provide Stability  |  Institutional investors crave a “diversified, low-volatility compliment to their portfolios,” The Financial Times writes. “The challenge for hedge funds, many now equally pressured by the unforgiving investing climate, is to fulfill that mandate.” FINANCIAL TIMES

I.P.O./OFFERINGS »

With Search Feature, Facebook Aims to Deepen Engagement  |  On Monday, Facebook is rolling out its new Graph Search tool to several hundred million users in the United States and to others who use the American English version of the site. NEW YORK TIMES

VENTURE CAPITAL »

Shazam Raises $40 Million  |  Shazam, which makes an app that helps people identify songs, attracted $40 million from América Móvil, the Latin American phone carrier controlled by the billionaire Carlos Slim Helú, AllThingsD reports. The chief executive of Shazam, Rich Riley, said the investment included a “substantial secondary element.” ALLTHINGSD

LEGAL/REGULATORY »

Moral Quandaries at MF Global  |  A central question in the MF Global saga is how Edith O’Brien, former assistant treasurer of MF Global, interpreted one of Jon S. Corzine’s comments to her about over drafts in the final days leading up to the firm’s downfall, writes James B. Stewart in the Common Sense column for The New York Times. NEW YORK TIMES

For Geithner, the Speaking Circuit Proves Lucrative  |  After leaving his job as Treasury secretary, Timothy F. Geithner “has been elevated to the highest rank of public speakers, alongside former world leaders Bill Clinton and Tony Blair, after receiving about $400,000 for three speaking engagements,” The Financial Times reports. FINANCIAL TIMES

Summers Said to Be Interested in Fed Job  |  Friends of Lawrence H. Summers say the former White House official is “more than a little interested” in succeeding Ben S. Bernanke at the Federal Reserve, The Wall Street Journal reports. WALL STREET JOURNAL

F.C.C. Clears Sprint Deals With SoftBank and Clearwire  |  The Federal Communications Commission on Friday cleared the way for the $21.6 billion purchase of Sprint by SoftBank of Japan, as well as Sprint’s offer to buy the broadband network Clearwire. DealBook »

Basel Report Finds Diverging Bank Views on Risk  |  The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, a body of central bankers, said it found significant differences in how some of the world’s large banks continued to assess risks on their balance sheets. DealBook »

Echoes of an Ugly Bailout  |  Floyd Norris of The New York Times writes about the recently emerged tapes of 2008 phone conversations between top executives at Anglo Irish Bank, which had to be bailed out. Mr. Norris writes: “As I listened to the Irish tapes, what stood out the most was the sheer arrogance of bankers who felt no shame that their imprudent lending had created a crisis.” NEW YORK TIMES