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MDC Partners Buys Majority Stake in Canadian Proxy Solicitor

MDC Partners, a media agency holding company, is expanding into a classic Wall Street business: proxy solicitation.

The company is expected to announce on Wednesday that it has acquired a majority interest in Kingsdale Shareholder Services, a proxy solicitation and communications firm based in Toronto. The agreement represents MDC’s first foray into the business of helping companies or major investors persuade shareholders to accept or reject a deal.

The tie-up is worth about $50 million, plus a payment contingent on how Kingsdale performs in the future, according to a person familiar with the matter who spoke anonymously because he was not authorized to speak publicly.

Kingsdale and its counterparts in the United States â€" including D.F. King and Innisfree M&A â€" operate behind the scenes in high-stakes corporate contests, advising their clients on shareholder sentiment and helping them craft a communications strategy. Though not a household name in this country, Kingsdale dominates its market in Canada, representing both corporations and prominent investors.

The deal comes at the same time as a rise in investor activism that is feeding demand for proxy solicitation firms. MDC, which has an office in Toronto but is based in New York, plans to help Kingsdale expand in the United States.

“The level of activist shareholder momentum and the amount of change in the regulatory environment is such that I just think the fundamental demand for financial communications, proxy solicitation â€" all that kind of expertise â€" is growing on an ongoing basis,” Miles S. Nadal, the chairman and chief executive of MDC, said on Tuesday in an interview.

MDC, a network of more than 50 marketing and communications firms, has been on a buying spree in recent years. From 2008 to 2012, the company spent more than $500 million on deals, picking up agencies including RJ Palmer and TargetCast TCM.

The company largely took a break from deal-making last year, “digesting” its acquisitions, Mr. Nadal said. But it has recently turned acquisitive again, and the Kingsdale deal is its third since December.

Founded in 2003, Kingsdale has had a role in some of Canada’s most prominent deals and proxy contests of recent years. It was hired by Pershing Square Capital Management in that hedge fund’s successful effort to shake up the board of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 2012. It worked with Jana Partners last year when that hedge fund sought unsuccessfully to install new directors at the Canadian fertilizer company Agrium.

In addition, the firm was hired by Petro-Canada and Suncor in the $15 billion all-stock merger of those energy companies in 2009. The Swiss mining company Xstrata (which is now part of Glencore Xstrata) hired Kingsdale in 2006 to assist in its $17 billion acquisition of Falconbridge.

“In MDC, we see the ideal partner to help accelerate the next phase of our growth and success, expanding our geographic footprint and responding to client demand for our strategic counsel in new areas where we have unique insight,” Wesley J. Hall, the founder and chief executive of Kingsdale, said in a statement.

Mr. Nadal said he was introduced to Mr. Hall in December by a longtime friend, Paul M. Stein, a lawyer at Cassels Brock in Toronto, and the two chief executives quickly hit it off. “It struck us that it would be a perfect fit for MDC,” Mr. Nadal recalled.

Now, Mr. Nadal, who in addition to running MDC is the controlling shareholder of the money management business Artemis Investment Management, which owns a fund of hedge funds, plans to use his personal network to help Kingsdale gain business.

In one sign of that effort, Mr. Nadal said heâ€" had already drafted a letter to 40 or 50 potential new clients for Kingsdale.



Puerto Rico Wants to Incur More Debt to Regain Financial Footing

Puerto Rico still has the capacity to issue more than $3 billion in new debt, senior officials said Tuesday, adding that they hoped to tap the credit markets in March despite concern about whether the commonwealth can sustain its current large debt load.

In a conference call with investors on Tuesday, officials said the Puerto Rican legislature had proposed raising the commonwealth’s legal debt limit and proposed creating an independent authority, Cofim, that would issue secured debt on behalf of Puerto Rico’s municipalities. Puerto Rico had already created one such debt-issuing authority, Cofina, to help it through a financial crisis in 2006. But Cofina has used up its entire capacity and was downgraded recently.

Officials said the borrowing in March would consist of general-obligation debt, which is given a special, top-priority status by Puerto Rico’s Constitution. Much of the proceeds will be used to refinance existing debt, including $330 million owed to Barclays. The proceeds are also to be used to terminate interest-rate swaps, fill a $245 million hole in the current fiscal year’s budget and bolster the liquidity of Puerto Rico’s Government Development Bank, which orchestrates the commonwealth’s borrowing and tracks the complex payment schedules and cash flows of different branches of its government.

Officials of the Government Development Bank said the March borrowing would be the territory’s last during the current fiscal year, which ends on June 30. They also said this would be the last time the commonwealth would borrow to balance its budget, a practice that cannot be sustained in the long run.

Despite the risk, there is reportedly deep demand for fresh debt from Puerto Rico, especially among sophisticated investors seeking big returns. Hedge funds and other alternative asset managers believe they see ways of protecting themselves in the face of increasing risk that Puerto Rico’s other debt will have to be restructured at some point. But holders of Puerto Rico’s outstanding municipal bonds fear that special protections for the new lenders will push their own holdings back a place in line.

Whether and how much Puerto Rico can borrow is of intense interest, in part because the commonwealth’s high-risk profile means its new debt will most likely pay unusually high returns â€" a big selling point in the current low-rate environment. Market participants said they expected the new debt to pay at least 10 percent, which could translate into an after-tax return of nearly 20 percent for high-income investors in high-tax jurisdictions.

Because of its legal status, Puerto Rico can issue bonds that pay interest that is tax-exempt in all 50 states, at the federal, state and local levels.

“Judging from everyone we talk to in the high-yield space, there is tremendous demand,” said Tom Doe, chief executive of Municipal Market Advisors.

The rare tax provision has, in the past, generated tremendous demand for Puerto Rico’s bonds and allowed the commonwealth to amass an eye-popping debt burden relative to the size of its economy. By some measures it has $70 billion in outstanding debt. Both its economy and its population have been shrinking in recent years, trends that will make the debt difficult to repay unless they are reversed.

Investors said they thought the new debt might contain “acceleration” provisions, which would commit Puerto Rico to repaying it much more quickly if certain events came to pass. That would bolster investor confidence that they would be repaid, even if Puerto Rico’s severe financial problems led it to delay payment on other obligations.

In addition, they said the new debt could commit Puerto Rico to resolving any future debt-related legal disputes in United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, a venue considered more friendly to creditors than a court in Puerto Rico might be. Even though the constitution explicitly gives general-obligation bonds priority over all other expenditures, that provision has not been tested in court. Having a preselected court is an important detail to experienced investors in distressed sovereign debt, who cited the recent legal successes of investors in pressing Argentina to make good on its debt. Those disputes were adjudicated in federal court in New York

“The G.D.B. is currently inclined to accommodate such suggestions,” said José Pagán, interim president of the Government Development Bank, when asked about such special provisions in the conference call. Mr. Pagán added that such features would require legislative approval.

The possibility that the new debt would offer preference above the older debt troubled some market participants.

“What you’re looking at here are alternative investors looking at Puerto Rico through a very sophisticated prism,” said Robert Donahue, of Municipal Market Advisors, who focuses on Puerto Rico’s debt. “It would be naïve to think that these hedge funds are being altruistic. They have the upper hand in these negotiations.”

He said the new debt might have a “double-barreled” structure, combining the commonwealth’s general-obligation pledge with a lien on some public asset, which would be a better security than the holders of ordinary general-obligation bonds have. If Puerto Rico tried to evade its obligations, creditors could then go to the preselected legal venue and seek enforcement of their claims.

“Existing bondholders who are not privy to these discussions are very concerned that the G.D.B. will get outwitted by these very experienced distressed investors,” Mr. Donahue said. “The last thing we want to see,” he added, are the municipal bondholders subordinated “by this set of investors who came in at the last minute.”

Tuesday’s conference call came in the wake of downgrades by the three main ratings agencies, which all cut Puerto Rico’s general-obligation bonds to junk status. Officials said that they intended to follow through with existing plans to restore fiscal balance despite the downgrades. In addition to explaining their plans to borrow, they offered signs of encouragement to bondholders who hope the commonwealth will be able to fuel economic growth enough to pay its debts without incident. They said Puerto Rico had been shrinking the size of its budget deficit and would have a balanced budget in the 2015 fiscal year.

“We have reacted swiftly and decisively to address the many challenges that Puerto Rico faces,” Gov. Alejandro García Padilla said on the conference call. “Politics have been left aside” in the process, he said. He cited public asset sales, stepped-up rates for water and other public services and budget cuts as signs of progress, but noted that the island’s financial troubles had been decades in the making.

Puerto Rico has had difficulty tapping the municipal market ever since last summer, when Detroit’s huge bankruptcy case rattled small investors and raised concern about the overall credibility of the general-obligation pledge. The markets have long treated an issuer’s “full faith and credit” pledge as unshakable, but Detroit stunned participants by putting general-obligation bonds into the same category â€" unsecured credit â€" as pensions and retiree health benefits for former city workers.

If Puerto Rico needs to restructure its debt at some point, it cannot use bankruptcy law as its legal framework because United States territories cannot declare bankruptcy. The framework for restructuring its debt would thus have to be the covenants written into the bonds themselves.



Outrage Over Wall St. Pay, but Shrugs for Silicon Valley?


Big paydays on Wall Street often come under laserlike scrutiny, while Silicon Valley gets a pass on its own compensation excesses. Why the double standard?

Take Eric Schmidt, the former chief executive and current chairman of Google. Google’s compensation committee last month awarded Mr. Schmidt $100 million in restricted stock plus $6 million in cash. The stock vests in four years and comes on the heels of a $100 million award made in 2011.

It’s unclear why Google felt the need to award Mr. Schmidt this amount.

When asked for comment, a representative of Google directed me to the regulatory filing Google made disclosing Mr. Schmidt’s compensation award. The filing states the award was paid “in recognition of his contributions to Google’s performance in fiscal year 2013.” How about that for detail?

Mr. Schmidt already owns shares worth billions of dollars in Google, and has a net worth of more than $8 billion, according to Forbes. So the latest award amount is just a few ducats to him.

As chairman, Mr. Schmidt does make a substantial contribution to Google, including helping the company negotiate a settlement with the European Union in an antitrust case. But his pay is extraordinarily high for a chairman. The typical director at a Standard & Poor’s 500 company was paid $251,000 in 2012, according to Bloomberg News. Mr. Schmidt is above that range by over $100 million.

Still, the pay award was greeted with few questions and apparently no criticism from Google’s shareholders or others. Compare this with the continued outcry over Wall Street executive pay.

The latest was the criticism of Jamie Dimon’s pay for 2013, given the many regulatory travails of his bank, JPMorgan Chase. The bank’s board awarded Mr. Dimon $20 million in pay for 2013, $18.5 million of which was in restricted stock that vests over three years.

In doing so, the JPMorgan board stated that the award was justified because of JPMorgan’s “sustained long-term performance; gains in market share and customer satisfaction; and the regulatory issues the company has faced and the steps the company has taken to resolve those issues.”

While JPMorgan may be hogging the regulatory limelight at the moment, other Wall Street banks have faced that glare and have been questioned about their chief executives’ compensation. Total pay for Lloyd Blankfein of Goldman Sachs, no stranger to regulatory scrutiny, has not yet been disclosed, but he was recently awarded $14 million in stock. Once his cash bonus is announced, Mr. Blankfein will probably be paid an amount similar to Mr. Dimon’s.

Like JPMorgan’s board, Goldman’s board has sought to justify such pay and is criticized just the same.

This double standard for finance and technology doesn’t make sense.

For one, the outsize pay for Mr. Schmidt doesn’t square with Google’s performance. Putting aside the fact that he is not even the chief executive, Google had net income of $12.9 billion last year. JPMorgan was higher at $17.9 billion after adjustments for significant events and at $23.3 billion before, well, those regulatory problems. Goldman was lower than Google, but not 20 percent â€" it had $8 billion in net earnings.

Google’s share price has performed better than JPMorgan’s, but it is not the best-performing stock for 2013.

On pure economics, Mr. Schmidt appears to be receiving an inordinate amount. By every measure, JPMorgan is bigger, with more profits. And yet Google awards $100 million to its chairman and there is nary a peep.

The pay of Mr. Dimon and Mr. Blankfein, however, is seen as symptomatic of what’s wrong with Wall Street.

If Mr. Schmidt’s role in spearheading negotiations with regulators is an argument for his rich pay, then why doesn’t a similar role hold true for Mr. Dimon? Moreover, all of Google’s regulatory issues came on Mr. Schmidt’s watch, while some of JPMorgan’s predated Mr. Dimon and were legacy issues inherited when the bank acquired Bear Stearns and Washington Mutual.

The divergent public views on pay are particularly odd, since today’s excesses are more often in Silicon Valley. When the sequel to the movie “Wall Street” was filmed a few years ago, it was in Eric Schmidt’s apartment, not at a Wall Street executive’s. Mr. Schmidt, by the way, was reported by Business Insider to have a “fabulous life” with a Gulfstream V, a 195-foot yacht and multiple homes across the country including a new $22 million Hollywood mansion. You could write similar things about Google’s co-founders.

Imagine if Mr. Dimon or Mr. Blankfein lived so ostentatiously? Wall Street is certainly known for its high-end consumption, but it is also a place where being conspicuous about it is frowned upon. In Silicon Valley, however, the superwealthy can flaunt their toys and no one says a word.

To be sure, there is a backlash against the money and power of Silicon Valley, with street protests over the presence of too many technology workers in San Francisco.

At the same, however, there hasn’t been the volume of outrage about Silicon Valley’s executive compensation practices that there has been about Wall Street pay. Even as Oracle shareholders voted against it, the board still paid the chief executive, Lawrence J. Ellison, $78.4 million in the 2013 fiscal year, despite protest.

And Mr. Ellison’s not the only one: Apple’s chief executive, Tim Cook, got a pay package of $378 million in 2011 (albeit $4.3 million in 2012), and Marissa Mayer was awarded an initial pay package with a worth up to $129 million.

Moreover, Silicon Valley companies are more dismissive of shareholder interests than financial or other companies are, preferring to have dual-class shares that insulate the founders from interference by shareholders. Google itself is about to go ahead with a plan to issue no-vote stock to preserve power with its founders.

The likely reason Silicon Valley gets away with this is that the leaders of Silicon Valley are seen as makers and the leaders of Wall Street are viewed as takers. “The Wolf of Wall Street” is a supposed morality tale about Wall Street greed. Never mind that the film was about a Long Island brokerage firm and not Wall Street. For Silicon Valley, we get the more positive “The Social Network,” even though it celebrates the same greed and even some of the same excesses.

Wall Street bashing ignores the fact that it is finance that produces the money for tech start-ups. Finance may not be the sexy part of life, but it is integral to success, as much as good roads or telecommunications. And yes, finance has had its problems â€" but so does Silicon Valley.

Even if you don’t agree, perhaps it is time to call a truce on the Wall Street bias in looking at executive compensation. Instead, across the board, there should be more sober judgments about whether this is simply too much pay.



Loan Complaints by Homeowners Rise Once More

A growing number of homeowners trying to avert foreclosure are confronting problems on a new front as the mortgage industry undergoes a seismic shift.

Shoddy paperwork, erroneous fees and wrongful evictions â€" the same abuses that dogged the nation’s largest banks and led to a $26 billion settlement with federal authorities in 2012 â€" are now cropping up among the specialty firms that collect mortgage payments, according to dozens of foreclosure lawsuits and interviews with borrowers, federal and state regulators and housing lawyers.

These companies are known as servicers, but they do far more than transfer payments from borrowers to lenders. They have great power in deciding whether homeowners can win a mortgage modification or must hand over their home in a foreclosure.

And they have been buying up servicing rights at a voracious rate. As a result, some homeowners are mired in delays and confronting the same heartaches, like the peculiar frustration of being asked for the same documents over and over again as the rights to their mortgage changes hands.

Wanda Darden of Riverdale, Md., has been bounced among three separate servicers since January 2012. Each time, the mix-ups multiply. “I either get conflicting answers or no answer at all,” said Ms. Darden, who is 62.

Servicing companies like Nationstar and Ocwen Financial now have 17 percent of the mortgage servicing market, up from 3 percent in 2010, according to Inside Mortgage Finance, an industry publication.

At first, some federal housing regulators quietly cheered the shift to the specialized companies, thinking that they could more nimbly help troubled homeowners without the same missteps. But as the buying bonanza steps up, some federal and state regulators are worried that the rapid growth could create new setbacks like stalled modifications for millions of Americans just as many were getting back on track from the housing crisis.

This month, New York State’s top banking regulator, Benjamin M. Lawsky, indefinitely halted the transfer of about $39 billion in servicing rights from Wells Fargo to Ocwen.

Katherine Porter, who was appointed by the California attorney general to oversee the national mortgage settlement, says complaints about mortgage transfers have surged, adding that the servicing companies have “overpromised and underdelivered.” Her office alone has received more than 300 complaints about servicing companies in the last year.

Top officials with the federal Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which oversees the specialty servicers, are scrutinizing the sales to ensure that homeowners don’t get lost in the shuffle.

“The process should be seamless for consumers,” said Steve Antonakes, a deputy director at the agency, which has put the number of homeowners at risk because of problems with servicing companies in the thousands.

The servicing companies defend their track records, saying they have had success in keeping borrowers in their homes. Ocwen pointed to its investment in customer service, while Nationstar emphasized that it assisted 108,000 homeowners with some form of modification or other repayment plan in 2013.

Several factors have been benefiting the servicing companies. For one, the banks are eager to hand off some of their more challenging loans, and the regulatory headaches that come with them.

What is more, regulations passed after the financial crisis, including requirements that banks hold more of a cash cushion against the servicing rights, hamper profits, further diminishing the banks’ appetite for the business.

Unfettered by those requirements, the servicing companies have experienced breakneck growth. Since 2010, they have increased the number of mortgages they service by as much as six times, yielding strong returns for the companies’ investors, like the Fortress Investment Group, a private equity firm and the largest shareholder in Nationstar. It has seen its stock price double since going public in March 2012.

Despite the boom, some regulators and housing advocates say that the servicing companies are not doing enough to help homeowners keep their homes.

A Montana couple, Guy and Michelle Herman, thought they had finally won an agreement with their lender to reduce their mortgage bill and save their home after more than three years of fighting foreclosure.

A few months later, however, their mortgage modification appeared to have vanished. Their lender, Bank of America, had sold the right to collect their monthly mortgage payments to Nationstar in July.

“I feel like we got so close to the dream of keeping our house and suddenly it’s gone,” Ms. Herman said.

Some of the problems, analysts and regulators say, come down to the speed. The specialty servicers have not upgraded their technology or infrastructure to accommodate the glut of new mortgages.

Even more troubling, some regulators say, the servicers benefit when they work through the troubled loans as quickly as possible. That has raised questions about whether the companies are pushing homeowners into foreclosure or offering mortgage modifications that will keep homeowners treading water, but ultimately cause them to fall even further behind.

The servicing companies say they have bolstered customer service, including employing more Spanish-speaking representatives and offering flexible call hours.

“If these companies can do a better job rehabilitating the borrower, that is a good development,” said Wilbur Ross Jr., a board member of Ocwen, which says it offers more subprime mortgage modifications than many peers.

But some borrowers say that dealing with the specialty servicers is even more vexing than working with the banks, especially when long-promised loan modifications don’t materialize.

The Hermans of Columbia Falls, Mont., said that despite almost daily calls to Nationstar, they still could not get an explanation of how their permanent loan modification from Bank of America, which reduced the balance on their mortgage by nearly $80,000, could disappear.

“I don’t even know how to get a human on the line,” Mr. Herman said.

Nationstar said that the couple never had a permanent loan modification and added that it had since offered the Hermans a new modification.

But behind Mr. Herman’s exasperation is what separates the specialty servicers from the largest banks, according to regulators. The specialty servicers, the regulators say, do not offer the same attention to customer service that banks did.

Flaws in computer systems can further compound delays. At Ocwen, there is a dizzying number of computer codes, approximately 8,400 different varieties, to categorize issues within borrowers’ files like a job loss, according to a person briefed on the matter. Many of these codes, the person said, are duplicates.

Mr. Lawsky’s office, which installed an independent monitor at the company, is examining whether computer issues are wrongfully pushing homeowners into foreclosure. Ocwen says that they are not aware of any improper foreclosures.

The servicers also have relationships with companies that can benefit from foreclosures.

William Erbey, Ocwen’s chairman is also the chairman of Altisource Residential, which buys up delinquent mortgages and owns foreclosed homes turned into rentals. Altisource’s loans are serviced by Ocwen. According to securities filings, Mr. Erbey recuses himself from issues that relate to both companies and Ocwen adds it has a “strictly arms-length business relationship” with Altisource.

Specialty services may also be profiting at the expense of the investors who own the mortgages. Typically servicers get a fixed fee from investors for handling the mortgage payments, no matter if the borrower is up to date or has fallen behind.

But the dynamic of that business has changed, in part, because the specialty servicers are buying the rights to collect payments at discounts, along with the loan advances â€" the money that the servicers pay to investors to cover any delinquent payment. The sooner the servicer can make the loan current again, the sooner investors pay back the servicers’ advance in full. That kind of arbitrage could incentivize servicers to offer modifications that cause borrowers to default again, investors say.

Borrowers like Ms. Darden of Maryland, meanwhile, must contend with the changes in the market. “I just don’t know how much more of this I can take,” she said.



Schumer Recuses Himself From Review of Comcast Deal


Senator Charles Schumer, Democrat of New York, has recused himself from reviewing Comcast’s agreement to buy Time Warner Cable after the revelation that his brother, the lawyer Robert Schumer, worked on the deal.

Mr. Schumer, who sits on the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition Policy and Consumer Rights, praised the merger of the country’s two largest cable giants in a statement on his website on Thursday. On Friday, the magazine American Lawyer named Robert Schumer of the law firm Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison its “dealmaker of the week” for his work on the transaction.

Other news outlets, including the website LittleSis, delved into the connection between the two brothers.

On Monday, Mr. Schumer’s office said that the senator would recuse himself from having any oversight of the deal, the largest acquisition of 2014.

“As Senator Schumer and his brother had never discussed the matter before, the piece in American Lawyer was the first Senator Schumer learned that his brother had worked on the deal,” Matt House, a spokesman for Charles Schumer, said in a statement. “Now that he’s aware of his brother’s involvement, Senator Schumer will recuse himself from Congressional consideration of the matter to avoid any appearance of bias.”

But the website LittleSis â€" which describes itself as a “grassroots watchdog network connecting the dots between the world’s most powerful people and organizations â€"  continued to raise issues about the relationship on Tuesday.

“Schumer’s claim that he was unaware of his brother’s involvement is surprising in light of Robert Schumer’s decades-long relationship with Time Warner Cable,” the website wrote on Tuesday. “He has been the company’s go-to M&A lawyer for years, winning public accolades along the way.”

That relationship, according to LittleSis, includes:

    Helping to represent Warner Communications in its merger with Time Inc. in 1989 (Time Warner spun off Time Warner Cable in 2009).
    Taking on Time Warner as a client when Peter Haje, a partner at Paul Weiss, left to work for the company in 1992
    Various articles in American Lawyer magazine praising Mr. Schumer’s work on various Time Warner deals

Robert Schumer was also on the “Power Lawyers” list in 2011, and the current Time Warner Cable chief, Rob Marcus, praised his work on previous deals involving the company.

On Thursday, Mr. Schumer’s office issued a news release in which the senator was quoted saying that he expected that the “results of the merger will be positive for New York.”

When asked about the connections between Robert Schumer and Time Warner on Tuesday, Mr. House reiterated that Charles Schumer had “no knowledge his brother was working on the deal.”

Comcast’s plan to acquire its largest rival has raised several antitrust questions, and many lawmakers have already pledged to scrutinize the impact to consumers as some analysts have questioned whether federal regulators will block the deal.



Lending Where Banks Can’t, Blackstone Cashes In in Ireland

Bankers have been blanketing Ireland in search of cheap assets and lucrative deals, and few firms have been as aggressive as the Blackstone Group.

From snapping up hotels to advising the government on what to sell and when, Blackstone deal makers seem to be everywhere.

Yet the private equity giant’s biggest bet in the country has been one cooked up largely in the shadows: an unorthodox arrangement awarding Blackstone 25 percent of Ireland’s telephone giant, Eircom, in return for more favorable terms on its punishing debt burden. The deal is a vivid illustration of shadow banking, when private equity and hedge funds replace banks as the main creditors to companies.

And as far as Bennett J. Goodman, the Blackstone executive who led that financing, sees it, that’s a good thing.

Companies are in trouble; they come to Blackstone because they can’t get a loan from a bank; a deal gets done and jobs are saved. He asks: What is so shadowy about that?

“What we do also helps improve the resilience of the financial system,” said Mr. Goodman, a former junk bond specialist who cut his teeth under Michael R. Milken at Drexel Burnham Lambert in the 1980s. “Why would you want to be dependent on just five banks?”

But being reliant on a financial outfit like Blackstone carries risks as well, not least in Ireland, a country that was undone by the excesses of bankers and where suspicions of the species run deep.

The firm’s ability to don such a variety of financial caps â€" adviser, investor and lender â€" has created a stir of sorts and politicians as well as investors have questioned Blackstone’s ability to avoid conflicts of interest.

Outside its complexity and daring, the Eircom deal also underscores how European banks, crippled by bad loans and regulatory restraints, are ceding ground to firms like Blackstone and others that can lend money like a bank but are not scrutinized as such.

In the last few years Mr. Goodman’s team has been one of the more innovative financiers in Europe, securing outside-the-box lending arrangements with desperate borrowers in Spain, Germany and Britain as well as Ireland.

They are not the only ones of course: financiers such as Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company and the Fortress Investment Group are also big operators in Europe. But Mr. Goodman’s unit, called GSO Capital Partners, has committed 25 percent of its $65 billion in funds to Europe, making it one of the leaders.

And while the intricacies of each deal vary in complexity, one factor unites them: the promise of a big-time payday â€" with Eircom potentially becoming one of the more profitable.

Eircom’s default in 2012 was the largest in Irish history.

Saddled with more than $5 billion in debt and suffering from intense competition, Eircom absorbed the full force of Ireland’s financial troubles in 2010 and 2011 and as the value of its loans plummeted on the secondary market, Blackstone began accumulating them at prices as low as 65 cents to the euro.

Intent on amassing as large a stake as possible, Blackstone even bought a Dublin-based debt fund, Harbourmaster Capital, which was also a large creditor to Eircom.

By the time Eircom threw in the towel in 2012, Blackstone had acquired about $825 million worth of discounted bank loans and as the largest creditor it was in a good position to strike a deal.

In exchange for a 15 percent debt write-off and a credit line of $205 million that has not yet been used, Blackstone’s GSO Capital Partners received quite the prize in return: a quarter stake in a revamped Eircom that, shorn of much of its debt, thousands of employees and retaining its monopoly grip, is now set for a lucrative public offering or strategic sale.

“This is what these guys do,” said Tom Hunersen, a senior banking executive who has worked with Blackstone in Ireland. “They take a situation that is complicated, political and disastrous and they figure out a way to make it work. It really was a perfect deal.”

Eircom spent just a few months in receivership in spring 2012, and with its debt cut nearly in half and under new management it took immediate steps to reshape itself, among them a plan to lay off 2,000 workers.

The company has also since made $1 billion in investments â€" a large sum for any corporation in Ireland’s still-weak economy.

By 2013, Eircom was in good enough shape to raise $480 million in the high-yield bond market, the proceeds of which were used to buy back its bank loans (most of which are owned by Blackstone), increasing the value of Blackstone’s position all the more. And just last month, the company’s bonds were upgraded by Moody’s. Analysts now value Eircom at around $3.3 billion, which means that Blackstone’s profits â€" at least on paper â€" stand at about $1.4 billion. And while the risks of a financial setback can never be ignored, those winnings will compound all the more if Eircom is sold or taken public.

Such a gain may not rise to the level of Blackstone’s $10 billion payday from its Hilton investment. But it is a pretty impressive return on a company that was effectively bankrupt a few years ago.

Mr. Goodman declined to discuss the specifics of Blackstone’s position only to say that Blackstone would prosper if the company does.

The Eircom deal also speaks to the recent transformation of Blackstone, which came to fame as a buyout firm under Stephen A. Schwarzman and is now a financial colossus overseeing $265 billion.

More so than its competitors, the firm has been quick to branch out into other businesses, including hedge funds, real estate and corporate and government advisory work. And in such a small country as Ireland, with the government under pressure to offload more than $150 billion of distressed assets, it was not surprising that Blackstone’s full-court press raised a few hackles.

For example, just after the Blackstone deal for Eircom closed in early 2012, one of the junior bond investors who lost an entire investment in the transaction went so far as to write a letter to the Irish finance ministry.

In effect, the deal seemed too good to be true and the question was asked if Eircom had been discussed when Mr. Schwarzman met with Ireland’s prime minister in late 2011, just a few months before Eircom defaulted.

“The whole way the transaction went down â€" we have never seen anything like it,” said Lars Fetterlein, a Danish hedge fund manager.

Then and now, Blackstone officials say that Eircom’s status did not come up and that the purpose of Mr. Schwarzman’s visit was purely introductory, similar to the courtesy calls he pays to heads of government in countries where Blackstone is conducting business.

And when the prospect arose that Blackstone bankers â€" in their headlong rush to win business in Ireland â€" might end up advising a government agency selling real estate assets and bidding for them at the same time, a small uproar ensued.

Gerry Adams of the opposition Sinn Fein party called Blackstone vulture capitalists on the parliament floor. And public remarks by Mr. Schwarzman in 2010 suggesting that government authorities “barely know what they own” in terms of real estate assets and would eventually unload them at a “clearing price” were widely circulated in financial circles.

“When there is a carcass on the desert sands, usually the behavior of those moving toward the carcass is not all that praiseworthy,” said Peter Mathews, one of the politicians in the Irish parliament who raised questions about Blackstone’s activities.

In the end, it was all very much of a tempest in an Irish teapot. (Blackstone was never a bidder and adviser at the same time.)

Still, the controversy highlights the sensitivities involved when a large firm like Blackstone descends upon a small country like Ireland.

To be precise, Blackstone’s Eircom transaction is less of a pure shadow banking transaction than others the firm has concluded in Britain and Spain, where it lent money directly to companies in question.

And the type of shadow banking that most concerns regulators â€" short-term borrowing involving broker dealers, hedge funds and money market funds â€" does not apply to Blackstone.

But, there is no doubt that its fast-growing credit business is breaking new financial ground.

“If the fund in question knows right up front what the risks are and its exposure is quasi-equity in nature that can be beneficial,” said Adair Turner, formerly Britain’s top financial regulator and co-chairman of a comprehensive study of the shadow banking industry.

“But we also know that the financial industry is forever innovating and when it does it tends to put more leverage in the system so we have to watch this very carefully.”



Capital One to Revisit Credit Card Contract Terms After Outcry

Banks are known for sticking terms into the fine print that don’t always sit well with consumers. But on Tuesday, Capital One said it would rethink the wording of its credit card contracts after a little-known provision began attracting a lot of unwanted attention.

The contract, which states that Capital One can “contact you at your home and at your place of employment,” has been included in its credit card agreements for years, according to Pam Girardo, a bank spokeswoman. The contract further says that “we may contact you in any manner we choose,” including, where allowed by law, a “personal visit.”

But it may have been new to HSBC customers, who are still being integrated into the bank after Capital One bought the credit card business of the British bank HSBC Holdings for $2.6 billion in 2011. Capital One recently sent out letters to HSBC customers that included an insert about the provision.

“I guess most people don’t read the inserts, but I happen to have read it,” said Rick Rofman, a retired English teacher and HSBC customer who received the notice at his home in Van Nuys, Calif. “I’m 71 years of age, and I have never seen this anywhere.”

Mr. Rofman’s story was first reported in an article on The Los Angeles Times’ website on Monday. The article attracted enough criticism and concern to prompt Capital One to respond on its website shortly thereafter.

“Capital One does not visit our cardholders, nor do we send debt collectors to their homes or work,” the bank said in a statement, noting an exception for certain sports vehicle manufacturers that have repossession agreements with the bank.

Capital One’s contract also said, “Unless the law says we cannot, we may modify or suppress caller ID and similar services and identify ourselves on these services in any manner we choose.” In its statement, Capital One said that while it wanted its calls to display as “Capital One” on a caller ID, “some local phone exchanges may display our number differently.”

“God knows how long this has been in the contract and no one even noticed,” said Ira Rheingold, the executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates, who said he was unaware of other credit card contracts with similar provisions. “The language in that one is even more over-the-top than usual.”

Capital One said it would review the wording of its contracts because the bank did “not want to create any unnecessary insecurity among our customers.” The 23-year-old firm first started as a credit card lender and has remained as one of the largest credit card providers for consumers with less-than-stellar credit scores.

In recent years, credit card companies and their famously obtuse legalese have landed in the cross-hairs of federal lawmakers. In 2009, Congress passed the Credit Card Accountability, Responsibility and Disclosure Act, which required credit card companies to provide more transparency with changes including fee increases and other terms.



Hedge Fund Suit Seeks Identity of Anonymous Blogger

David Einhorn has filed a lawsuit seeking to unmask the identity of an anonymous financial blogger who, he says, disclosed that Mr. Einhorn’s hedge fund was buying shares in a technology company. The legal maneuver illustrates the tension between a money manager’s ability to safeguard his trading strategies and the rights of others to report on them.

The lawsuit, filed on Friday in New York State Supreme Court by Mr. Einhorn’s Greenlight Capital hedge fund, seeks to force the popular investment website Seeking Alpha to disclose the identity of the anonymous blogger known as Valuable Insights.

On Tuesday, Judge Carol Edmead, of Manhattan Supreme Court, said that representatives for Seeking Alpha must appear in court on March 18 to explain why she should not grant Greenlight’s motion that would force the website to disclose the blogger’s name.

Colin Lokey, an official with Seeking Alpha, declined to comment on the lawsuit and would not say whether the website has retained a lawyer.

Mr. Einhorn contends a Nov. 14 blog post on Seeking Alpha that mentioned that Greenlight was buying big blocks of shares in Micron Technology had interfered with his $10 billion fund’s investment strategy. The fund claims that the disclosure by the blogger Valuable Insights caused Micron’s share price to rise, as Greenlight was continuing to make purchases and cost Greenlight’s investors’ money in the process.

Greenlight had wanted to keep the investment in Micron confidential until least Nov. 21, when Mr. Einhorn publicly discussed it at a charitable event, where prominent money managers were invited to present their “best investment ideas.”

The lawsuit said that the anonymous blogger either misused confidential information about Greenlight’s trading strategy or got the information about Micron from someone who had an obligation to the hedge fund not to discuss the matter.

The suit poses a thorny dilemma for Seeking Alpha, which relies on contributors, some of them anonymous, to post investment ideas for its more than 2 million registered users â€" many of them retail investors. If the judge orders Seeking Alpha to disclose the identity of Valuable Insights, it could discourage other anonymous bloggers on the website from continuing to write posts.

Floyd Abrams, a First Amendment lawyer with Cahill Gordon & Reindel, said there might be reasons for a judge to compel an anonymous blogger to be identified in a libel case. But he said there weren’t many good reasons for doing so in what would appear to be a largely commercial dispute.

“There is a serious First Amendment issue here,” Mr. Abrams said. “He will have a pretty tough job persuading a judge.”

The litigation also raises questions about a Securities and Exchange Commission rule that permits money managers to keep investments hidden from the public by simply making a request for “confidential treatment.”

Greenlight filed a letter with the S.E.C. on Nov. 14 requesting confidential treatment for its Micron investment until at least Nov. 21, a move that gave the hedge fund the leeway to avoid having to disclose how many shares it had acquired during the third quarter of 2013.

The S.E.C. rarely grants confidential treatment requests for investment activities, but money managers are aware that by making the request they can buy themselves some time to avoid having to disclose an investment in a stock. That’s because it can take several weeks before the S.E.C. gets around to reviewing a request for confidential treatment for an investment that would otherwise be disclosed on a regulatory filing.

A copy of Greenlight’s letter seeking confidential treatment was not included as an exhibit in the lawsuit. It is not unusual for hedge funds seeking confidential treatment for an investment to also request that the letter making the request be deemed confidential by the S.E.C. An S.E.C. spokesman declined to comment on the lawsuit.

Greenlight wants Seeking Alpha to divulge the blogger’s name so it can pursue a lawsuit against the blogger.

Jonathan Gasthatler, a Greenlight spokesman, declined to comment on the litigation.

It’s not clear just how much the Nov. 14 disclosure of Greenlight’s position in Micron cost the fund. On Nov. 14, shares of Micron rose less than 2 percent.

Shares of Micron rose much more on Nov. 21, after Mr. Einhorn gave his presentation at the Robin Hood Conference in New York and later went on CNBC to discuss the reasons for being bullish on the tech company’s fortunes. On that day, the stock jumped 6 percent, to $19.99 a share.

Micron’s stock has continued to rally since. On Tuesday, the stock closed at $25.42 a share.

On Nov. 25, Greenlight disclosed in a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission that it had acquired roughly 23 million shares of Micron. In its lawsuit, the hedge fund said it first began acquiring shares last July.

In fact, Greenlight has continued to acquire shares of Micron since that Nov. 25 filing. In a regulatory filing on Friday, Greenlight disclosed that as of the end of last year, it owned about 47 million shares of Micron, or 4.5 percent of the company’s shares, making it one of the hedge fund’s biggest stock holdings.

Some legal experts said Mr. Einhorn may have a fighting chance to prevail.

“It may have a potential chilling effect but doesn’t mean you get to (blog) with impunity,” said Mr. Stillman. “There has to be some sense of fairness.”



Fed to Issue Final Rules for Foreign Banks

Foreign banks with a major presence on Wall Street will no longer be allowed to avoid many of the tougher rules that the United States introduced after the financial crisis to prevent banking failures and bailouts.

The Federal Reserve, a leading bank regulator, issued a final rule on Tuesday that will force the American operations of foreign banks to follow many of the same rules as American banks. The Federal Reserve Board is expected to approve the rule at a meeting Tuesday afternoon.

Foreign banks lobbied against the rule, which was first proposed in 2012, arguing that their own regulators already had sufficient oversight over their global operations. Critics of the rule also contended that it would prompt foreign banks to reduce their activities in the United States, damaging the American economy.

But in writing its final rule, the Fed kept many of the elements that angered foreign banks, making only a few concessions. “The requirements applicable to foreign banking organizations with a large U.S. presence are an essential part of regulatory reform in the aftermath of the financial crisis,” Daniel K. Tarullo, the Fed governor who oversees regulation, said in a statement.

Many foreign firms, particularly those with large Wall Street businesses, will have to hold more capital, the financial buffer that banks maintain to absorb losses. They will also have to hold a certain amount of easy-to-sell assets, in case they quickly need to raise cash in a period of stress. The banks will also be subject to regular stress tests, which the Fed applies to banks to gauge whether they can weather shocks to markets and the economy.

Foreign Wall Street firms took out emergency loans from the Fed during the crisis. Despite their reliance on the Fed, some foreign banks took steps to avoid elements of the financial system overhaul that Congress passed in 2010. Deutsche Bank, for instance, changed the status of its large American operations.

Some analysts believe that some foreign banks have been operating in America with far less capital than their American rivals. This allowed some of the foreign banks to reduce the costs of running their businesses, giving them a competitive advantage over their American competitors like Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley. The new rules would appear to force many of the foreign banks to hold a lot more capital at their American operations, but they could still be allowed to hold less than the largest American Wall Street firms.

The new rules come into effect in July 2016, a year later than envisioned in the proposed rule. The capital rule that foreign banks disliked the most â€" the so-called leverage ratio requirement â€" begins to apply in July 2018.



Fed to Issue Final Rules for Foreign Banks

Foreign banks with a major presence on Wall Street will no longer be allowed to avoid many of the tougher rules that the United States introduced after the financial crisis to prevent banking failures and bailouts.

The Federal Reserve, a leading bank regulator, issued a final rule on Tuesday that will force the American operations of foreign banks to follow many of the same rules as American banks. The Federal Reserve Board is expected to approve the rule at a meeting Tuesday afternoon.

Foreign banks lobbied against the rule, which was first proposed in 2012, arguing that their own regulators already had sufficient oversight over their global operations. Critics of the rule also contended that it would prompt foreign banks to reduce their activities in the United States, damaging the American economy.

But in writing its final rule, the Fed kept many of the elements that angered foreign banks, making only a few concessions. “The requirements applicable to foreign banking organizations with a large U.S. presence are an essential part of regulatory reform in the aftermath of the financial crisis,” Daniel K. Tarullo, the Fed governor who oversees regulation, said in a statement.

Many foreign firms, particularly those with large Wall Street businesses, will have to hold more capital, the financial buffer that banks maintain to absorb losses. They will also have to hold a certain amount of easy-to-sell assets, in case they quickly need to raise cash in a period of stress. The banks will also be subject to regular stress tests, which the Fed applies to banks to gauge whether they can weather shocks to markets and the economy.

Foreign Wall Street firms took out emergency loans from the Fed during the crisis. Despite their reliance on the Fed, some foreign banks took steps to avoid elements of the financial system overhaul that Congress passed in 2010. Deutsche Bank, for instance, changed the status of its large American operations.

Some analysts believe that some foreign banks have been operating in America with far less capital than their American rivals. This allowed some of the foreign banks to reduce the costs of running their businesses, giving them a competitive advantage over their American competitors like Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley. The new rules would appear to force many of the foreign banks to hold a lot more capital at their American operations, but they could still be allowed to hold less than the largest American Wall Street firms.

The new rules come into effect in July 2016, a year later than envisioned in the proposed rule. The capital rule that foreign banks disliked the most â€" the so-called leverage ratio requirement â€" begins to apply in July 2018.



Actavis Deal May Become the Standard for Drug Deals

Actavis makes pharmaceutical deals look generic. Its $25 billion acquisition of Forest Laboratories follows a familiar formula in the sector. Agitating investor? Check. Low-tax jurisdiction? Check. Buyer’s stock rises? Check. And with over $8 billion of value created, financiers will keep busy with their own merger success.

This is the third big purchase in the last couple of years for the company. In 2012, Watson Pharmaceuticals bought Actavis for nearly $6 billion and took its name. Last year, it absorbed Warner Chilcott for about $5 billion and acquired a low-rate Irish tax home in the process. Investors appreciated the cost savings from those transactions, and are doing so again. Counting today’s 7 percent jump, the market value of Actavis has tripled in just over two years.

The course of action is working. Actavis reckons there will be $1 billion of annual savings available from combining with Forest, and that most can be captured within the first year. Taxed at its low rate and put on a multiple of 10 (the standard multiple applied in valuing a recurring stream of revenue), the present value of the savings would be about $8 billion. That’s more than the $5 billion premium being paid to take control of Forest. If the union can generate more savings, and perhaps additional revenue â€" as Actavis hinted on its call on Tuesday â€" then the deal could be even more profitable.

Activist investors have been catalysts for the drug industry’s alchemy. The billionaire investor Carl Icahn, who owns 11 percent of Forest’s stock, played a role in this instance. His needling prompted the company to install a new chief executive last year, which presumably led to the sale.

Actavis, which is using a big chunk of its own stock to pay for Forest, emphasized that its balance sheet wasn’t stretched and that it planned to grow. That probably means more mergers and acquisitions. It isn’t alone either. Valeant Pharmaceuticals and Endo Health Solutions are among those that have also enhanced their market values by snatching up rivals, slashing costs and minimizing taxes. Throw in the renewed vigor of agitators and the market rewards for sensible acquisitions, and the strategy may become somewhat standardized.

Robert Cyran is a columnist for Reuters Breakingviews. For more independent commentary and analysis, visit breakingviews.com.



Hedge Fund Giant’s Climate Change Campaign

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For Settlements, Companies Sketch Contours of a Black Box

Corporations should expect an onslaught of enforcement proceedings from investigations into overseas bribery, manipulation of financial benchmarks and the issuance of toxic mortgage securities. The question is how much money the government will demand as part of the inevitable settlements, a figure that is difficult to calculate.

The government is taking an increasingly hard line in seeking large settlements, as shown by the litigation reserves companies are required to set up once they have determined the cost of resolving a case. What we don’t really know, however, is what goes into the process of assessing a penalty and how it relates to the harm caused by a violation.

Last week, two companies disclosed significant increases in their reserves as a step toward concluding government investigations. BNP Paribas, the French bank, disclosed that it has set aside $1.1 billion to resolve federal and state investigations into whether it violated economic sanctions laws that prohibit dealing with businesses in countries like Iran, Cuba and Sudan.

Avon Products said that it had set aside $89 million to cover a possible settlement of an investigation into violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act by the Justice Department and Securities and Exchange Commission. Even that might not be enough; its chief executive, Sheri McCoy, noted the penalties could go as high as $132 million.

The announcement of Avon’s reserve is interesting in light of the company’s earlier disclosure in June 2013 that the Justice Department and S.E.C. had rejected an offer of $12 million to settle the case. It looks as if Avon tried to lowball the government, and now the potential payment could end up coming in at more than 10 times its initial offer.

Accounting rules require a company to disclose a material loss because of litigation once it is both probable and the amount can be reasonably estimated. When that line is crossed is a matter of judgment, but once the parameters of a deal with the government are in place, a company can be expected to disclose how much it thinks it will have to pay.

How the two sides arrive at the penalty remains something of a mystery to the general public. Companies rarely disclose what happened in the negotiations, as Avon did.
Federal statutes provide the maximum fine for a violation, but that is only for a single violation. Corporate crime often involves hundreds, or even thousands, of separate offenses, so the total potential fine could be enormous.

The federal sentencing guidelines provide a set of factors to be considered when a court determines a financial penalty. The list includes whether a company cooperated in the investigation and the involvement of senior management in the crime.

But few cases involving large corporations ever see the inside of a courtroom. Instead, the Justice Department usually resolves corporate investigations through deferred and nonprosecution agreements, along with civil settlements, that do not require judicial approval of any penalty assessed against a company. So it is often unclear how the government determined the amount to be paid as the punishment for a violation.

The Wall Street watchdog Better Markets challenged the government’s recent $13 billion settlement with JPMorgan Chase over its sales of mortgage securities, which included a $2 billion civil penalty. The organization filed a lawsuit in Federal District Court in Washington, contending that the absence of any judicial review of the agreement violates federal law and the Constitution. The basic complaint is that the Justice Department “acted as investigator, prosecutor, judge, jury, sentencer, and collector, without any check on its authority or actions.” [link below]

The lawsuit faces substantial hurdles that make it unlikely to succeed. As a general matter, private parties do not have standing to challenge a decision by the government to settle a case. The Justice Department has broad discretion in how it chooses to exercise its authority, and courts rarely intervene to scrutinize a decision unless there is evidence involving improper discrimination.

Nevertheless, the frustration expressed by Better Markets about the process for determining what JPMorgan should have paid to resolve multiple investigations is fair. As I discussed in an earlier column, it is unclear how the Justice Department arrived at the nice round figure of $2 billion for the civil penalty or what specific violations led to that particular punishment.

Disclosure of litigation reserves usually comes near the end of the negotiation process because only then can a company reasonably estimate what it will have to pay. Even that disclosure is usually tempered with the caveat that the final settlement could be higher because a company never knows when the government will demand more.

What we don’t learn is how extensive the government believes the misconduct was or how it determined the appropriate punishment for the violation. The statement of facts in the settlement is carefully crafted to reveal only the minimum amount of wrongdoing to support the imposition of a penalty.

We are sure to see even more cases in the coming months as banks deal with the fallout from investigations into manipulation of the London interbank offered rate, or Libor, and foreign exchange prices. We have already seen a number of executives fired or put on leave for their involvement in manipulation of currency exchange rates, a harbinger of settlements that will impose significant monetary penalties.

How much they have to pay remains to be seen, and at this point it is a matter of guesswork for all involved in the process. Without outside scrutiny of the terms of the agreements to resolve investigations, it is anyone’s guess how much the government will be satisfied with as the punishment, or what violations will be found.

As it stands, we have to rely on corporate disclosures to get a sense of the likely cost of an investigation. As usual, the government stands largely mute about what happened or why a particular punishment is appropriate.



More Women and Foreign-Educated Executives Enter Top Ranks, Study Finds

The face of corporate America is gradually being remade as women and professionals educated abroad enter into the top ranks of the largest corporations, according to a study in the latest Harvard Business Review.

And the career path to the top has also changed over the last 30 years, the research found. Fewer executives are “lifers,” employees who began their careers at the bottom and attained the top corporate levels. And leaders with undergraduate degrees from public universities are now in the majority.

Although senior executive ranks remain dominated by men, women now occupy nearly 18 percent of the top slots at Fortune 100 companies, according to the article, “Who’s Got Those Top Jobs,” which examined the career trajectories, education levels and diversity among the 1,000 top-tier executives in 2011. That is a notable change from 1980, when none of the Fortune 100 companies had women in the corner office and is also up from 2001, when 11 percent of the top-ranking jobs were held by women.

The article was based on research by Peter Cappelli, a professor of management at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School, and Monika Hamori, a professor of human resource management at IE Business School in Madrid, and was done with the help of Rocio Bonet, assistant professor of human resource management, at Madrid’s IE Business School.

Men educated outside the United States hold about 11 percent of the top positions, a notable increase from the 2 percent in 1980. Over the last 30 years, more multinationals have opened a pipeline of managers from their overseas operations to take high-level roles.

The study is a follow-up to a Harvard Business Review article from January 2005, which compared leaders in the top 10 roles at each of the Fortune 100 companies in 1980 with those holding the same positions in 2001.

Lifetime employees dropped “across the board,” with financial institutions like the American International Group, Bank of America and other companies more frequently hiring outsiders. The percentage of leaders who spent all or almost all of their careers at one company dropped to less than one-third in 2011, from about half of the senior executives in 1980.

“What is striking is that the corporate model in 1980 was that all the companies had lifetime employees and they promoted from within,” said Professor Cappelli. “Now, the idea of a corporate career is no longer a standardized concept.”

Career employees remained more common at the 20 most established corporations, like General Motors, where Mary Barra, who headed its global product development and is now chief executive, spent her 33-year career.

However, she is unlike many of her female peers, who are more likely to work in financial services, health care, consumer products and retail. But she is reflective of how long it typically takes executives to climb the ranks.

The study found that it took average 28 years women take to reach the top positions, which is slightly shorter than the average 29 years for men. Women were also promoted more quickly, on an average of every four years, compared with five years for men.

“We see a really big drop-off in the corporate promotion track after a few years in the ranks of women in middle management,” Professor Cappelli said. “It could be that women who survive are much more able, or that corporations are promoting them on purpose.”

Even so, he noted that 17 of the Fortune 100 companies had no women in top positions such as chief executive, chief operating officer or chief financial officer. Women in the 2011 group had been promoted rapidly, but only 5 percent of those examined made it to the highest-level positions, compared with 17 percent of the men.

The share of those with Ivy League undergraduate degrees held steady at about 10 percent since 2001. However, nearly one-fourth of the executives with M.B.A.’s graduated from elite schools like Columbia or Harvard. The overall proportion of top executives with a graduate degree was 36 percent.

But “if the Ivy League confers ‘gold collar’ status,” Professor Cappelli concluded, “it appears to do so mainly through outside hiring.”



A New Era of Antitrust Enforcement

John Terzaken is head of the United States cartel practice at Allen & Overy in Washington, focusing on antitrust enforcement actions, investigations, compliance and litigation. He was previously director of criminal enforcement at the Justice Department’s antitrust division.

Compliance chiefs on Wall Street have had their hands full lately, thanks to sweeping reforms initiated by the 2010 Dodd-Frank Act. Yet complying with Dodd-Frank is hardly the only serious challenge they face. That is especially true now that federal antitrust authorities are focusing on bid-rigging, interest rate manipulation and other forms of collusion on Wall Street trading desks and turning up the heat on the world’s biggest financial services firms and banks.

Front and center has been the Justice Department’s investigation into suspected manipulation of benchmark rates â€" particularly the London interbank offered rate, or Libor â€" for setting global interest rates. It is a case I oversaw.

Since 2011, when news of the Libor investigation first broke, antitrust prosecutors have levied hundreds of millions of dollars in fines against offending institutions. Last June, Justice Department lawyers filed criminal antitrust charges against the Royal Bank of Scotland for its role in the Libor case. It was the first time a financial services firm was ever held criminally liable under antitrust laws for a trader-based market manipulation scheme.

Given the scope of the suspected conspiracy â€" traders from a dozen of the world’s largest banks have been accused of submitting false data or otherwise colluding to fix Libor â€" more criminal antitrust charges are possible. And in the wake of the investigation have come charges against traders accused of manipulating other benchmark rates like the euro interbank offered rate, or Euribor. To financial institutions, the message is clear: A new, more vigorous era of antitrust enforcement is at hand â€" and in fact, just getting started.

In addition to its Libor cases, the Justice Department’s antitrust division announced a criminal investigation into suspected manipulation of foreign exchange rates. This comes after several years of investigations into possible big-rigging in the municipal bond market, as well as anticompetitive conduct in the market for credit-default swaps. The department recently opened a preliminary inquiry into possible price-fixing in the metals warehousing business. The question there is whether Wall Street firms that hold controlling interests in those warehouses conspired to artificially drive up storagerates for aluminum and other metals.

Until recently, antitrust regulation was never regarded as a high-priority concern. Wall Street has long had to face a laundry list of enforcers who were more focused on rooting out fraud, insider trading and other market crimes. But the Street largely avoided the watchful eye of antitrust authorities.

The industry was put on notice that things were about to change. In 2009, the antitrust division announced that banks would be receiving closer scrutiny along with four other sectors. Later that year, the division joined the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Internal Revenue Service and other agencies on President Obama’s Financial Fraud Enforcement Task Force â€" trumpeted as “an aggressive, coordinated and proactive effort to investigate and prosecute financial crimes.”

How effective that effort has been is a continuing source of debate. Still, there is no denying that the antitrust division has made good on its pledge to crack down on anticompetitive conduct in the financial sector. A similar crackdown has been under way by antitrust authorities in the European Union, which has already levied hundreds of millions of euros in fines against financial firms.

Not to be outdone, the plaintiffs’ bar has gotten in on the action, filing a barrage of civil class action lawsuits against banks that piggyback on the accusations underlying the government’s investigations into collusion.

Given the enormous costs and risks posed by the new enforcement threat, financial firms must take antitrust compliance seriously. Wall Street needs to begin taking requisite steps to mitigate the hazards associated with potential collusion and price-fixing. That will require firms to rethink the way their trading desks have traditionally gathered information and made markets.

Consider the recent publicity about electronic chat rooms. Many traders have long frequented these sites to unearth market intelligence from peers at other firms. But with antitrust prosecutors on the hunt for evidence of collusion, there is increasing concern that even benign use of chat rooms and instant-messaging services may pose compliance risks. As a result, firms with trading books are imposing enhanced restrictions on employee access to the sites.

Bloomberg L.P. recently announced it would offer users of its terminals new tools to monitor and limit chat room visits. And Goldman Sachs said it planned to prohibit traders from gaining access to any computer messaging platforms to prevent leaks of its proprietary sales and trading information. That includes a ban on any instant-messaging sites â€" including those operated by Yahoo, AOL and other third parties.

That is just one sign of the post-Libor norm. As Wall Street continues to confront the new era of tougher antitrust oversight, firms should get ahead of the regulators in policing their own houses.

One obvious starting point is greater use of antitrust compliance programs. Banks â€" especially those with trading desks â€" would be wise to bolster their antitrust training and oversight systems to ensure that traders don’t even appear to share information on pricing or bidding on securities.

Firms should conduct a comprehensive top-down audit of trading operations. If serious problems are identified, it may be wise to consider alerting the Justice Department and seeking a spot in the antitrust division’s leniency program. Difficult decisions like these must be made quickly, because under the program only the first company to report collusive conduct is eligible to receive immunity from criminal antitrust charges and fines.

In the wake of the Libor case, the antitrust leniency program has begun to take hold in financial services. Banks and other financial firms find themselves in a race to beat competitors to the Justice Department’s doors to report potential antitrust transgressions.

Call it yet another sign of the post-Libor times and the new normal on Wall Street. For banks and financial institutions, the unsettling reality is that antitrust enforcers have moved in on Wall Street and appear to be settling in for the long haul.



Ashland in $1.8 Billion Sale

COVINGTON, Ky. - Ashland Inc. (NYSE: ASH) today announced it has signed a definitive agreement to sell Ashland Water Technologies to a fund managed by Clayton, Dubilier & Rice in a transaction valued at approximately $1.8 billion. The transaction is expected to close by the end of Ashland's fiscal year on September 30, 2014, contingent on certain customary regulatory approvals, standard closing conditions and completion of required employee information and consultation processes.

The company expects net proceeds from the sale to total approximately $1.4 billion, which primarily will be used to return capital to shareholders in the form of share repurchases. In keeping with this intent, Ashland's board of directors has authorized a $1.35 billion common stock repurchase program, effective immediately. This new authorization replaces Ashland's previous $600 million buyback program, which had approximately $450 million remaining. The new repurchase program will expire December 31, 2015.    

With annual sales of $1.7 billion and approximately 3,000 employees worldwide, Water Technologies is a leading supplier of specialty chemicals and services to the pulp and paper and industrial water markets. Over the past year, the commercial unit has reported significant improvements in its business and financial performance as a result of a plan to simplify the organization, focus on key growth opportunities, and deliver better service and value to customers. The result has been steady profit growth and improved margins.

"Thanks to the hard work and commitment of the entire team, Water Technologies has shown tremendous improvement over the past year, and I believe it is well positioned to build on that momentum under Clayton, Dubilier & Rice ownership," said James J. O'Brien, Ashland chairman and chief executive officer. "This divestiture allows us to focus on our core specialty chemicals business and to accelerate return of capital to shareholders, while Water Technologies should have an opportunity to invest in continued growth under new ownership. We believe this transaction, when combined with our ongoing global restructuring, will help position Ashland for EBITDA margins that rank among the top 25 percent of specialty chemical companies."

Founded in 1978, Clayton, Dubilier & Rice is a private investment firm with an investment strategy predicated on producing financial returns through building stronger, more profitable businesses. Since inception, CD&R has managed the investment of more than $19 billion in 59 businesses with an aggregate transaction value of more than $90 billion.

"We are excited to be partnering with the AWT management team and look forward to working with them to move the business forward to its next level of profitable growth," said CD&R Partner David H. Wasserman.

"Ashland Water Technologies has many attractive features, including a very strong competitive position which reflects its global scale, deep set of service capabilities and innovation leadership," added CD&R Partner George K. Jaquette. "We look forward to working with the management team to build upon the company's market leadership position."

Citi is acting as financial advisor, and Cravath, Swaine & Moore LLP and Squire Sanders are acting as legal advisors to Ashland.

About Ashland
In more than 100 countries, the people of Ashland Inc. (NYSE: ASH) provide the specialty chemicals, technologies and insights to help customers create new and improved products for today and sustainable solutions for tomorrow. Our chemistry is at work every day in a wide variety of markets and applications, including architectural coatings, automotive, construction, energy, food and beverage, personal care, pharmaceutical, tissue and towel, and water treatment. Visit ashland.com to see the innovations we offer through our four commercial units - Ashland Specialty Ingredients, Ashland Water Technologies, Ashland Performance Materials and Ashland Consumer Markets.
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C-ASH

Forward-Looking Statements
This news release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933 and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. Ashland has identified some of these forward-looking statements with words such as "anticipates," "believes," "expects," "estimates," "may," "will," "should" and "intends" and the negatives of these words or other comparable terminology. In addition, Ashland may from time to time make forward-looking statements in its filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), news releases and other written and oral communications. These forward-looking statements are based on Ashland's expectations and assumptions, as of the date such statements are made, regarding Ashland's future operating performance and financial condition, the economy and other future events or circumstances. Ashland's expectations and assumptions include, without limitation, internal forecasts and analyses of current and future market conditions and trends, management plans and strategies, operating efficiencies and economic conditions (such as prices, supply and demand, cost of raw materials, and the ability to recover raw-material cost increases through price increases), and risks and uncertainties associated with the following: Ashland's substantial indebtedness (including the possibility that such indebtedness and related restrictive covenants may adversely affect Ashland's future cash flows, results of operations, financial condition and its ability to repay debt); the potential sale transactions involving Ashland Water Technologies and the elastomers business (including the possibility that one or both transactions may not occur or that, if a transaction does occur, Ashland may not realize the anticipated benefits from such transaction); the global restructuring program (including the possibility that Ashland may not achieve the anticipated revenue and earnings growth, cost reductions, and other expected benefits from the program); Ashland's ability to generate sufficient cash to finance its stock repurchase plans, severe weather, natural disasters, and legal proceedings and claims (including environmental and asbestos matters). Various risks and uncertainties may cause actual results to differ materially from those stated, projected or implied by any forward-looking statements, including, without limitation, risks and uncertainties affecting Ashland that are described in its most recent Form 10-K (including Item 1A Risk Factors) filed with the SEC, which is available on Ashland's website at http://investor.ashland.com or on the SEC's website at www.sec.gov. Ashland believes its expectations and assumptions are reasonable, but there can be no assurane that the expectations reflected herein will be achieved. Ashland undertakes no obligation to subsequently update any forward-looking statements made in this news release or otherwise except as required by securities or other applicable law.

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION:

Investor Relations:
Jason Thompson         
+1 (859) 815-3527
jlthompson@ashland.com

Media Relations:
Gary Rhodes                                                             
+1 (859) 815-3047                                                     
glrhodes@ashland.com


This announcement is distributed by NASDAQ OMX Corporate Solutions on behalf of NASDAQ OMX Corporate Solutions clients.
The issuer of this announcement warrants that they are solely responsible for the content, accuracy and originality of the information contained therein.
Source: Ashland Inc. via Globenewswire

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Another Big Windfall for JPMorgan in Drug Maker Deal

Actavis’s deal to acquire the drug maker Forest Laboratories means significant fees for JPMorgan Chase, the bank’s second apparent windfall in less than a week from advising on a big-ticket deal.

Actavis, a rapidly expanding specialty pharmaceutical company, announced the $25 billion acquisition on Tuesday, capping off a buying spree with its largest purchase yet.

JPMorgan stands to earn $55 million to $65 million in fees as Forest’s adviser in the deal, according to estimates from Freeman & Company. Those estimates do not include fees for arranging financing, which was provided by Bank of America Merrill Lynch and Mizuho Bank. Typically, the firms that help fund the deal could earn 2 percent to 2.5 percent of the total loan amount. Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz is Forest’s legal adviser. Law firms typically bill by the hour.

JPMorgan also stands to earn hefty fees for its work on Comcast’s acquisition of Time Warner Cable, which was announced last week. Comcast’s deal to buy its smaller rival for $45.2 billion is the third-largest acquisition since the financial crisis hit. Comcast’s group of advisers, which included JPMorgan, stand to earn as much as $68 million from that transaction.

Actavis used its longtime adviser Greenhill & Company as well as the law firm Latham & Watkins. Greenhill & Company stands to earn $50 million to $59 million, according to Freeman. Forest will be Actavis’s seventh acquisition since 2013, according to Standard & Poor’s Capital IQ.

Notably absent from Tuesday’s deal was Morgan Stanley, which advised on Forest’s deal to buy the privately held drug maker Aptalis for $2.9 billion in January.

JPMorgan, Morgan Stanley and Bank of America are among the top M.&A. advisers for 2014, according to data from Thomson Reuters. Goldman Sachs, which has topped the competition in previous years, has missed out on the latest 11-figure deals.