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BlackBerry Co-Founder Cuts Stake

OTTAWA â€" Mike Lazaridis, a founder and former executive at BlackBerry, took advantage of a rare rise in its share price to cut his stake in the company.

Mr. Lazaridis reported in a regulatory filing that a holding company he controls sold 3.5 million shares for about $27.4 million on Monday and Tuesday. Before the sale, Mr. Lazaridis owned about 5.7 percent of the company.

Mr. Lazaridis offered no explanation for the sale in the filing, and a spokesman said Mr. Lazaridis had no comment.

In October, Mr. Lazaridis, BlackBerry’s former co-chairman and co-chief executive, and Douglas E. Fregin, the company’s other founder, announced that they were trying to form an investment group to buy BlackBerry, which has been reeling after the failure of its new line of BlackBerry 10 phones. On Friday, the company reported a $4.4 billion quarterly loss.

Last month, BlackBerry’s directors abandoned their attempts to find a new buyer. Instead, a group of investors led by Fairfax Financial Holdings, BlackBerry’s largest shareholder, invested $1 billion in convertible debt into the company. At the same time, Thorsten Heins, the chief executive, was replaced by John S. Chen, the former chief executive and chairman of Sybase.

While Friday’s financial results offered more bad news, investors welcomed Mr. Chen’s announcement that Foxconn, the Taiwan-based company that manufactures BlackBerrys and iPhones, among other products, would take on some of the handsets’ design duties as well as the some of the financial risks associated with BlackBerry’s hardware business. Mr. Chen also laid out a vague plan to return the company to its core customer base of business and government users.

BlackBerry’s share price rose by 3.5 percent to $7.47 on Monday and 3.5 percent again on Tuesday.

Mr. Lazaridis has been a strong voice in favor of keeping the company’s focus on its formerly market-leading smartphones.



Banks’ Suit Tests Limits of Resisting Volcker Rule

The banks have fired their first salvo in what could soon turn into a war of litigation over the Volcker Rule.

As expected, the American Bankers Association, an industry trade group, filed a motion in federal court on Tuesday in Washington seeking to quickly suspend one part of the Volcker Rule, which was officially completed two weeks ago.

The trade group claims 275 small banks will suffer an imminent $600 million hit to capital and make them less likely to lend to consumers and businesses.

Though the current dispute centers on an obscure and complex investment product, the association’s lawsuit could become an early test of how much the industry can successfully push back against the Volcker Rule. The rule was devised to stop regulated banks from speculatively trading with their depositors’ money and other funds in an effort to avoid some of the problems that led to the bank bailouts in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis.

Banks have long been lobbying to shape or water down the Volcker Rule. After much delay, five federal agencies approved the final rule this month, bolstering some provisions, but leaving others open to loopholes.

The lawsuit is an indication of how far banks may be willing to go to challenge regulators in court even if the total dollars at issue are relatively few. And ironically, the first legal assault is being brought on behalf of smaller banks, not big Wall Street firms like Goldman Sachs or JPMorgan Chase, which had until recently engaged in some of the speculative trading that the Volcker Rule mainly targeted.

Even before the Volcker Rule became law, some were predicting Wall Street would head to court to oppose provisions it did not like, like a measure that would curtail the ability of banks to engage in portfolio hedging, a type of trading that critics say goes beyond normal hedging of positions for either the benefit of clients or mitigating the bank’s own risk.

At the heart of the bankers’ group lawsuit are instruments called collateralized debt obligations, the instruments that helped stoke the financial crisis. The final Volcker Rule contained language that, to many in the industry, seemed to prohibit banks from holding C.D.O.’s.

The banking association says the Volcker Rule unfairly targets a special type of C.D.O. held by smaller banks. These instruments are made up of so-called trust-preferred securities, a cross between a bond and a stock that banks issued to increase their capital.

Crucially, accounting rules have shielded banks from taking a full hit on these soured investments. But, now, the banks could lose that shield if the Volcker Rule forces them to offload the C.D.O.’s. As a result, the banking association argues that the banks might have to take big write-downs in the next few weeks that would substantially dent their capital.

It’s too soon to say how the litigation will play out and whether the trade group will be successful in getting a quick stay of the measure, especially because bank regulators issued guidance last week that had sought to allay some of the banking industry’s concerns that the Volcker Rule amounted to a blanket ban on trust-preferred C.D.O.’s.

A spokesman for the Federal Reserve, one of three regulatory agencies sued by the industry group along with the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, said that the regulators need to review and confer on the lawsuit before commenting.

Banks have until July 21, 2015, to divest themselves of risky assets under the Volcker Rule, but can get an extension from the Fed if necessary.

The issue of whether the Volcker Rule intended to force banks to divest themselves of trust-preferred C.D.O.’s has been gathering momentum ever since Zions Bancorporation, a regional lender based in Salt Lake City, said on Dec. 16 that it was taking a $387 million fourth-quarter charge to write down the value of its portfolio of the securities, and was also reducing its regulatory capital levels after changing its accounting treatment for those securities.

Audit firms have been telling some bank clients that without more specific guidance from the regulators, banks cannot avoid writing down the C.D.O.’s, potentially forcing the banks to absorb capital hits by the end of the year.

In the lawsuit, the American Bankers Association contends regulators did not do a proper analysis of the “economic costs” of the provision on small banks and how a decision to require banks to get rid of an investment in the C.D.O.’s would affect their balance sheets.

A common litigation tactic is to argue that regulators failed to do a proper cost-benefit analysis of a rule before enacting it. So the success of this line of argument by the trade group could be used by other trade groups considering challenging other portions of the 71-page Volcker Rule and its more than 800-page preamble.

The lawsuit also argues the final version of the Volcker Rule, as approved by the regulatory agencies on Dec. 10, was substantively different from the initial version that regulators sought public comment on two years ago. The lawsuit claims the portion of the rule governing prohibited investments never suggested that the C.D.O.’s would be included.

But in their proposed rule, issued in 2011, regulators invited financial firms and others to give their feedback on how the rule might affect C.D.O.’s. Comment letters submitted by the banking association do not appear to show any special concern about how the Volcker Rule might affect C.D.O.’s. In fact, in arguing for an exemption for credit funds, the association went out of its way to show that such funds were different from C.D.O.’s.

One resolution may be for the regulators to devise more specific guidance that would give the banks’ auditors the ability to decide which C.D.O.’s they can hold and which they have to sell.



Detroit Wins $55 Million in Concessions From 2 Banks

Detroit said on Tuesday that it had won rare concessions, worth $55 million, from two large banks that sold it a type of financial contract that normally cannot be reduced, even in bankruptcy.

The banks, UBS and Bank of America, have been Detroit’s trading partners in several interest-rate swaps, a type of contract that was supposed to lower the city’s borrowing costs when it raised $1.4 billion in 2005. That deal is now in tatters, and just before Detroit declared bankruptcy last July, the banks said the city could get out of the swap contracts if it paid them about $220 million, which was said to be 75 percent of the true cost. On Tuesday Detroit said the two banks had lowered its termination fee to $165 million, or 43 percent of the true cost.

Unusual provisions in the bankruptcy law gave the two banks the right to go after Detroit for the full swap termination fee, about $294 million, even though the city is broke and other creditors are expecting to get pennies on the dollar.

“This is an important development for the city and its residents,” Detroit’s emergency manager, Kevyn Orr, said in a statement. “It means we can start moving forward on implementing needed investments in public safety and services.”

Detroit has been trying to arrange a type of loan known as debtor-in-possession financing of $350 million to pay for city services during the bankruptcy. Until Tuesday, it was planning to have to spend the first $220 million of the special loan on swap termination fees. Now just $165 million of the loan will be used for that purpose, leaving more than half of the total for city services.

Because the new deal was hammered out in confidential mediation, rather than being imposed by court order, it will not offer legal precedent to other distressed cities hoping to extricate themselves from interest-rate swaps. But the banks’ concessions to Detroit do signal that under certain circumstances, the swap contracts are not unassailable after all.

The new terms must still be approved by Detroit’s bankruptcy judge, Steven Rhodes.



Cracker Barrel’s Top Investor Considers Bid for Company

Cracker Barrel’s largest shareholder urged its board on Tuesday to consider selling the company â€" to him.

In a letter to the board, Sardar Biglari, an activist investor who owns nearly 20 percent of Cracker Barrel Old Country Store Inc. through his investment firm, the Biglari Capital Corporation, said it would take an “entrepreneurial mind” to improve the company’s earnings, which he called “far too low in your hands.”

Mr. Biglari urged the company to consider “all potential extraordinary transactions” to improve shareholder value, including selling the restaurant chain to the highest bidder. If the board did not “promptly” announce a sale process, Mr. Biglari said in a separate Securities and Exchange Commission filing, he would call a special shareholders’ meeting to vote on such a deal.

But Mr. Biglari, whose previous attempts to gain a seat on Cracker Barrel’s board have failed, doesn’t just want the board to sell him the company, which is based in Tennessee. He also wants it to help him amend Tennessee law, which he says restricts such a deal.

Representatives for Cracker Barrel and the Biglari Capital Corporation could not be reached for comment.

Mr. Biglari also suggested that the board begin a share repurchase program, but said he would consider selling his stake in the company if it did so since he would “not want to leave our money in your care.”

Cracker Barrel temporarily withdrew products relating to A&E’s “Duck Dynasty” reality series after one of the show’s stars made inflammatory comments about gay people, a move Mr. Biglari pointed to as evidence of poor management.

Tuesday’s letter is the latest act in a long-running drama involving Mr. Biglari and Cracker Barrel. The company in the past has instituted poison pill provisions to prevent a takeover by Mr. Biglari.

This post has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: December 24, 2013

An earlier version of this post did not attribute Sardar Biglari's statement about a special shareholders' meeting to an S.E.C. filing that is separate from the letter to the board.



Housing Recovery May Be Running Out of Steam

The housing recovery in the United States could run out of steam in 2014. Banks are likely to tighten lending standards once new rules come into place. Rising interest rates may drive down home loan volume, too. Cash purchases by investors could set a floor for house prices, but they may not be enough to prevent a major slowdown.

Of late, the market has been on a tear. American home prices in the third quarter of 2013 rose 11 percent compared with the same period a year earlier, the Standard & Poor’s/Case-Shiller index shows. That’s the strongest jump since the bubble popped six years ago. Foreclosure activity, meanwhile, has fallen to 2005 levels, according to the online marketplace RealtyTrac. And existing home sales have been the best since 2007, with more than five million on an annualized basis since May, the National Association of Realtors reports.

But Washington appears poised to throw cold water on the fiery recovery. In January, the so-called Qualified Mortgage rule goes live. It sets strict new standards on lenders who want to avoid borrower lawsuits. That could shrink home loan credit from the current level, which is already lower than before the boom.

Congress may even make some reforms to mortgage finance next year, possibly laying out the funeral plan for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Both lawmaking chambers are pondering bills, and the outgoing Senate Banking Committee chairman, Tim Johnson, needs some legacy legislation.

Meanwhile, demand for mortgages is likely to shrink, too. That’s because long-term interest rates are on the verge of rising after years of the Federal Reserve holding them artificially low. Not only will that lead to a slump in borrowers refinancing their existing home loans â€" a business that already dropped in 2013 â€" it will also dissuade some from buying a new home.

It’s not looking totally bleak. Since mid-2010 all-cash purchases, mostly by investors like the Blackstone Group, have made up 30 percent of all existing home sales, according to the Realtors’ association. That’s more than three times its historical norm. That may prevent house prices from plummeting, but it’s of little comfort to the average buyer.

Daniel Indiviglio is Washington columnist for Reuters Breakingviews. For more independent commentary and analysis, visit breakingviews.com.



American Express to Pay $75 Million Over Credit-Card Practices

The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau has ordered American Express to pay more than $75 million to settle claims that it charged improper fees and misled its credit card customers over so-called add-on products like identity fraud protection.

American Express will have to refund $59.5 million to more than 335,000 consumers over what the bureau called “illegal credit card practices.” American Express will also have to pay a $9.6 million cash penalty to the bureau, according to a statement issued on Tuesday.

The settlement is the latest government enforcement action aimed at cracking down on credit card firms, which have come under tougher scrutiny as federal regulators have sought tighter restrictions on hidden fees and penalties.

The bureau said one problematic product involved American Express’s “account protector,” which was marketed as a way for customers to wipe out their minimum monthly payment if they lost their job or had a disability.

But the bureau said that in reality, the benefit payment was limited to 2.5 percent of the consumer’s outstanding balance, up to $500. In many cases, that amount that was canceled was less than the minimum payment due. The bureau also says American Express unfairly charged interest and fees, some of which caused customers to exceed their credit limits, resulting in additional fees.

The agency also took issue with how American Express billed for its identity fraud protection services. The bureau said that American Express began charging consumers fees for the service, sometimes for several years, even before it had obtained the authorization necessary to begin monitoring the consumers’ credit information.

About “85 percent of consumers who enrolled in the identity protection products paid the full product fee without receiving all of the advertised benefits,” the bureau said in a statement. “In some cases, consumers paid for these services for several years without receiving all of the promised benefits.”

Another product was the company’s “Lost Wallet” product, which was intended to assist card members in Puerto Rico with canceling and replacing lost or stolen credit cards. The bureau said that product was not adequately marketed in Spanish. As a result, customers were not properly informed of the required steps necessary to take advantage of the product.

American Express said it had taken steps to rectify the problems. It will also issue refunds to customers who were affected by the settlement, or checks to consumers who no longer hold accounts with the company.

“As previously reported, American Express continues to conduct internal reviews designed to identify issues, correct them and ensure that its products and practices meet a high standard of quality,” the company said in a statement.

In addition to paying penalties and reimbursements, American Express was ordered to hire an independent third party to review the company’s add-on products.

The agency said the settlement covered consumers who were customers from 2000 to 2012. The company will also pay $3.6 million to the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation and $3 million to the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, which worked with the bureau on the investigation.

This isn’t the first time American Express has come under fire for its credit card business. Last year, the consumer protection agency ordered the company to return $85 million to consumers who had been the victims of illegal marketing, billing and debt collection practices.



Beware of Big Mortgage Settlement Numbers

Corporate America has long known the public relations power of putting a big dollar number on a deal.

Regulators, it seems, like to play the same game.

Ocwen Financial is a little-known firm whose business is to gather mortgage payments from millions of borrowers and pass them on to the banks and investors that own the mortgages. But last week, Ocwen emerged from obscurity after a federal regulator, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, ordered it to enter into a $2 billion settlement over allegations that it had mistreated struggling borrowers.

“Ocwen took advantage of borrowers at every stage of the process,” Richard Cordray, the bureau’s director, said. “Today’s action sends a clear message that we will be vigilant about making sure that consumers are treated with the respect, dignity and fairness they deserve.”

The bureau detailed the financial terms of the settlement. First, it required Ocwen to provide $125 million in refunds to borrowers who entered foreclosure. Second, Ocwen was also required to write down the outstanding amount owed on mortgages by $2 billion, to make the loans more affordable for the borrowers.

Anyone reading the news release would be forgiven for thinking that Ocwen had to pay out $125 million in refunds and then take a bruising $2 billion hit on the mortgages it services.

But neither assumption would be correct.

Ocwen’s refund payment is actually only $66 million, according to a filing by the company. (The firms that serviced the mortgages before Ocwen are paying the remainder.)

The $2 billion number is easy to misunderstand. Ocwen isn’t going to have to bear any of that $2 billion write-down itself, though the bureau’s news release never makes that clear. Ocwen doesn’t own the mortgages that it collects payments on. Bondholders own most of them, since banks packaged the loans into securities and sold those bonds into the markets. Indeed, a $2 billion write-down would probably wipe out most of Ocwen’s $1.8 billion in capital.

“There is not a hit to Ocwen when the loans are written down,” said Roelof Slump, a managing director at Fitch Ratings. “The $2 billion is coming from the bondholders.”

There is nothing new about how the consumer bureau constructed this deal â€" or described it. The standard practice in big mortgage settlements has been to place a burden on bondholders in this way. That was the case in the consumer-relief portion of the Justice Department’s $13 billion settlement with JPMorgan Chase earlier this year. And though the $26 billion national mortgage settlement that was struck in early 2012 was aimed at a few big banks, it ultimately included many mortgages owned by bondholders.

When loan servicers like Ocwen modify mortgages, they are theoretically obliged to do it in a way that does not harm the economic interests of bondholders. While write downs reduce the value of the loans in a bond, they may actually be worth it to the bondholder if foreclosures are avoided. Foreclosures, with their extra expenses, like maintaining repossessed properties, often end up being more costly to bondholders than principal reductions.

Still, none of this changes the fact that the loans belong to the bondholders â€" not Ocwen.

On a conference call after the settlement was announced, Mr. Cordray was asked whether Ocwen was passing on the costs of the principal reductions to other parties. In response, he said that Ocwen would incur costs itself in processing the write-downs. He added that Ocwen would be subject to penalties if the reductions did not take place.

“They have every financial incentive to see to it the entire $2 billion is delivered to consumers,” Mr. Cordray said.

The important question, however, is whether Ocwen was always going to do $2 billion of write-downs â€" even before the settlement.

Ocwen regularly reduces the principal on thousands of mortgages as part of its business. When asked if Ocwen might have done these principal reductions anyway, Paul A. Koches, who oversees corporate affairs at Ocwen, said, “We’ve been doing these for a long time â€" that’s all I’ll say.”